*Preventing Renewed War in South Sudan/ ICG 01.07.16*

The honeymoon period is now over for the Agreement on the Resolution of the
Conflict in South Sudan, which formally ended the civil war in August 2015.
Its guarantors need to act urgently in the next days to save it and prevent
the country from returning to full-scale combat.

The agreement successfully enabled the return of Riek Machar, leader of the
Sudan People’s Liberation Army-In Opposition (SPLA-IO), to Juba and the
subsequent formation of the Transitional Government of National Unity in
April. However, the formerly warring parties are now flouting it and
increasingly preparing for widespread conflict. Implementation is stalled
and fighting is already proliferating around the country. Unless something
is done, it is a matter of only a little time before there is a return to
war, and the agreement collapses.

For the moment, the permanent ceasefire, though increasingly strained,
continues to hold in the civil war’s major conflict theatre. From the
perspective of many in Salva Kiir’s wartime government, it applies only to
the Greater Upper Nile region, therefore the proliferation of conflicts in
Greater Equatoria and Bahr el Ghazal, such as the recent deadly clashes in
Wau, does not affect their commitment to the peace agreement. However, the
increasing number of discrete conflicts in other regions could trigger
renewed fighting in Greater Upper Nile or Juba and lead to a far more
explosive return to a broad civil conflict.
While the SPLA-IO in Greater Upper Nile is not as strong as it was in early
2014, when many army divisions split and soldiers defected to the rebels,
its presence in Juba and recruitment of forces and allies in Greater
Equatoria place the capital under a renewed threat, particularly its
civilians, who are at risk of ethnically-targeted violence.

In the nine months that the ceasefire has been observed, forces have simply
paused hostilities while remaining in close proximity: there has been no
joint security oversight or move toward unification or demobilisation. This
would be an untenable status quo even if there were political progress,
which there is not.

Renewed conflict would be devastating for South Sudan. It could also
quickly lead to the regional contagion experienced in 2014, when the
Ugandan military intervened in favour of Juba, and Sudan supported the
SPLA-IO – and could reverse the nascent rapprochement between Uganda and
Sudan. The risk of regional war motivated the mediation efforts of the
Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD). It, as well as other
international actors, put enormous pressure on Kiir and Machar to sign the
peace agreement and establish the transitional government. The collapse of
the agreement could have serious implications for the regional stability
that IGAD’s Heads of State worked hard to protect.

At the African Union summit in Kigali within two weeks, IGAD has a chance
to prevent a return to full-scale war. The Heads of State should consider
the points of dispute and give the parties clear directives to salvage the
agreement and prevent war. This should include:

using IGAD’s authority, as the agreement’s guarantors, to re-affirm the
warring parties’ commitment to the ceasefire and rejection of further
violence;

 asserting that IGAD member states are fully aware of the deterioration of
the political situation and prepared to expend resources on mediation and
diplomacy with key actors;

maintaining that IGAD member states are committed to the peace deal and
will act through IGAD to secure regional stability if violence breaks out
again; and

directing the parties to act on key tenets of the agreement and IGAD
resolutions, including IGAD’s directions for a detailed plan on cantonment
of forces and clarification of the terms of reference for the committee to
resolve outstanding issues related to the government’s expansion of the
number of South Sudan states from 10 to 28.

Against the odds, the IGAD Heads of State came together last year and in
effect forced an agreement on the parties. Their current lack of focus on
peace implementation allows the parties to prevaricate and avoid
implementing aspects they do not like. If the Heads of State do not take
decisions that reflect the seriousness of the situation and follow up with
action, their two years’ peacemaking work could amount to little.

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