Sovereignty or Dependency: Which one South Sudan? Posted: July 5,
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*By Hon. Bol Makueng Yuol, Juba, South Sudan*
[image: bol makueng]

Cde. Bol Makueng Yuol, the SPLM Secretary for information, Culture and
Communication

*July 5, 2016 (SSB) — *The traditional practice of facilitating an African
developing country to dismantle its sovereign institutions has always been
a re-colonisation of Africa by proxy since the time of the Organisation of
African Unity (OAU) and also even now with the protégé African Union (AU).
It is simply an old wine in a new bottle. The tools for doing so are found
within the same Africans of the OAU or AU. Libya was dismantled with
indifferent AU looking on and more will follow.

How is it done? The members from those powerful industrialised nations come
into a country, identify resources they must plunder, study the power
structure of the victim country and methodology or strategy that would be
applied to achieve what they want. In some cases, the experts are from a
former colonial power of the country. One common approach which is a
peaceful one is to send in “technical experts”. The experts would always
pop into every office to acquaint themselves with information on data and
centres of decision making so that they also get involved in the executive
decisions of that target country – the Advisors.

The experts sit in every meeting of the nation’s leadership, isolate the
leadership from its populace and making declarations on behalf of the
leaders. They develop their modus operandi on how to confuse and clash
institutions and individuals within those institutions. In a country with
tribes, their plans are made easy as they will quickly divide the tribes
according to “violent ones against the peaceful”, the friendly and hostile,
nomads against sedentary … until the divide and rule policy is firmly
established.

In this case, the experts will become the common factor in being the only
custodians of peace among these communities who have been neighbours and
living together since time immemorial. The communities do not listen to
each other again as before unless through the experts. To deepen hatred
among the communities, developmental projects are initiated in the experts’
favoured areas for communities who they have oriented against their fellow
other communities. Any lack of such projects in one community, the other
community is the culprit. Negative rivalry and barriers are constructed
between communities.

Sooner than later, the experts will produce a “Country Assistance Strategy”
to sell to a busted finance minister who is handed a pre-drafted agreement
to sign. Enticed with a 10% kick-back commission to be paid in private
accounts, the contracts would be signed while compromising the national
resources by handing over everything to foreigners.  Loans as part of
poverty reduction strategy and microfinance credit will be availed loosely
as if no strings are attached to them. Aid money is diverted to the reserve
account of the donor nation to pay a profit of 4% return while the
receiving nation borrows same amount at 12% interest to feed the hungry
population!

All this camouflage is with intention to take over the resources of the
country. In the planned agenda, policies of interest rates, bailouts, when
to privatise government assets and even exit strategy for leaders who have
been over used or those leaders who refuse to succumb to material pressures
and stand firm to protect the interest of their nations.  In the final
analysis, the country ends up with a crashed economy, destroyed government
and sometimes destructive riots from a population that has been agitated
against its own leadership.

If the plans of the experts do not succeed because the leadership is
recalcitrant, they conspire to cut-off the nation from all international
borrowing. The plan is total slavery. The experts will be interested to
introduce even what does not exist, not acceptable or palatable in that
society such as gays’ rights. They advocate freedom of media where nobody
has complained or where nobody listens to radio, television or reads
newspapers. They pay a lot of money to local media institutions to
fabricate stories in an attempt to discredit the government and clash them
with country authorities.

Devaluation of local currency is top of the recommendations by the experts.
The government is tantalised with promise of billions of USA Dollars
unheard of before. The offer of aid to follow is so attractive such that
even a lay person would celebrate before seeing what is being promised by
the experts. The poor citizens are not aware that their nation is being
completely demolished. While such manoeuvres are taking place, the reality
is only felt when the government is not able to pay salaries of teachers,
hospitals and soldiers for months. Fuel shortages are experienced
everywhere in the country.

When all these things are happening the experts will assure everybody that
they are not interested in politics and that they do not want to get
involved in the internal affairs of a country. However, they will explain
that they will support the government, especially the humanitarian side.
What this “humanitarian” support is all about in reality is the sponsoring
the collapse of the government – uprising, demonstrations, coup detat…name
it. By this time, the experts are sure that they have already identified a
politician or military general (Mobuto) who would be installed to start to
cooperate in the next round and process of looting the country of resources.

To go in for the kill, goods paid for with contracts are not delivered. The
country will experience food and fuel shortages with prices of these
commodities skyrocketing. Little food that is available will be hoarded. In
addition to high prices there will be scarcity and items are only available
at the black market prices. The disappearance of these vital lifesaving
items will force the population to demonstrate. The same experts will now
wash their hands, exposing and abandoning the leadership they have created
and supported, labelling it as corrupt. By doing so, the experts will have
leverage on any new leadership they have created and to rob the public of
confidence once more.

The only African country that was reported to have escaped the death net of
the experts is Botswana. This country is endowed with natural resources
like most of African countries and so, it was a target nation. What
Botswana did was simple, using its own national experts who were not
contaminated. The national experts studied the “triggers” thoroughly and
made one single recommendation. Triggers are a requirement for a country to
accept without questioning every“ conditionality” for financial aid. The
national experts avoided challenging the “experts” and simply recommended
that they go packing. Its sovereignty was maintained.

What are the useful lessons for Africa and South Sudan to learn from this
context?

========

*The Truth that shall set us free: Peace, Reconciliation & National healing*

Peace and conflict are always equal and opposite sides of the same coin.
There is no way of bringing about peace and reconciliation if there has not
been any conflict. And as a rule, root causes of a conflict are always
explored so that they are understood and to identify entry points for an
inclusive and holistic approach. Another observation is that if some
elements of the peace and reconciliation component have proved and
demonstrated being the consistent disruptors of harmony and stability among
the people, they have to be tackled separately otherwise peace and
reconciliation will not be achieved permanently. Communities have to be
made aware about such elements.

*Why have the South Sudanese communities been harmonious until the arrival
of the “educated”?*

In the days of the “uneducated” these communities had traditional rules,
norms and values for managing crisis. The quarrels were about stolen
property (in form of animals), competition over animal pastures, fishing
grounds and water points. Solutions were easy. Respected elders on both
quarrelling sides listened to each other and made agreements without
deception. Settlement of disputes was always satisfactory and acceptable to
all sides. No empty apologies for the massacres continuously committed and
just to be repeated again next time.

Moreover, quarrels were rare and just happened once in a while. For
example, if a Nuer person had quarrelled with a Dinka person over stolen
property, the issue would be limited to a small group of Nuers and Dinkas
who had happened to be at the vicinity of the conflict. It would not even
involve the entire village or cattle camp leave alone the entire Dinka or
Nuer communities. Such conflicts were very rare and would not even last for
a month. Most importantly, there was no common position (president) for the
communities to compete or fight over as well as there were no common
(national) assets (oil, wealth) to fight for its control. Above all, there
was no outside interest for anyone to fight a proxy war for the benefit of
that foreign body. This outside or foreign interest and interference poses
a great challenge as it causes lack of will on the part of the “educated”
to accept and respect the laid down rules (constitution, institutions and
values).

The impact of education on South Sudanese values prior to emergence of the
SPLA/M has different lessons in the way they fought in Anyanya (1955 –
1972) and managed the Addis Ababa government in Juba (1972 – 1983).

When the Missionaries first came to South Sudan, they opened schools in
those areas that were accessible to them. However, children from different
communities studied in those schools. They played together, ate together
and developed the nucleus of the nascent nation of South Sudan we have
today. These were the first educated leaders who fought in the Anyanya
Liberation movement (1955 – 1972) and again in 1983 – 2005.

During the Anyanya war, there were many leaders who went to bush: Agrey
Jaden, William Deng, Joseph Uduho, Gordan Muortat, Fr. Saturlino, Joseph
Lagu…etc, just to mention a few names. Agrey Jaden was the President of
Anynya. When he left, Gordon Muortat briefly took over, later on he left
and Joseph Lagu led the Movement until the time of Addis Abba Agreement
(1972). The three gentlemen came from different ethnic groups of
Pajulu/Bari, Madi and Dinka, and regionally, two came from Equatoria and
one from Bhar el Ghazal.  Thank God that there were no PhD holders to claim
anything using an ethnic support.

*South Sudan leadership following Addis Ababa Agreement*

On signing the Agreement in 1972, the leadership in South Sudan took turns
as follows according to events.
*S/No* *Name of President* *Tribe* *Region* *Process*
1 Abel Alier Dinka Upper Nile Appointed, democratic election (twice)
2 Joseph Lagu Madi Equatoria Democratic election
3 Peter Gatkuoth Nuer Upper Nile Interim
4 Gismalla Abdalla Rasas Fertit Bhar el Ghazal Appointed/Interim
5 James Tumbura Zande Equatoria Democratic election

When one observes the leadership changes during the Anyanya to regional
government in Juba, they represented the face of South Sudan. Nevertheless,
there were political differences in the way changes were happening, but
were contained within the normal framework of handling national issues
although greed and lack of political maturity drove some of those leaders
to commit major historical and political mistakes.

In fact, Southern Sudan was just undergoing those critical historical
phases of   people and nation development.

The Spark of endemic tribalism among South Sudanese just crept in slowly
and through the political leaders and intellectuals of the time (1972 until
today).

As the Addis Ababa Agreement was approaching its 10th anniversary, Southern
Sudan by then was experiencing difficult economic situation and Khartoum
was using its monopoly on control of everything from economy,
security/military and political power to arm-twist Southern Sudan and
nobody read the writing on the wall. The then Southern Sudanese East
African educated elite came up with “kokora” which played very well to
Khartoum’s taste of “divide and rule” policy. The articulation on Kokora
was not explained on political platforms, but on ethnic ones, creating
ethnic tensions. This chain of political blunders resulted in various
ethnic and regional formations: Greater Equatoria, Greater Bahr el Ghazal,
Greater Upper Nile, Luos, Dinka unity, BANFA and many other ethnic or
regional organisations.

When Khartoum saw the sharp and irreconcilable divisions within south
Sudanese leadership and elite, it did not lose the opportunity. It enticed
some South Sudanese ethnic leaders to conspire with Nimeri and Southern
Sudan was broken up into three pieces. Arabisation and Islamisation were
declared and stepped up vigorously. The one time known formidable united
strong Southern Sudan bond of nationalism was gone. The South Sudanese
nationalists and patriots known as the Council for Unity of Southern Sudan
(CUSS) were also sacrificed at the altar of conspiracies and betrayals. The
rest was just history.

Subsequently, the SPLA/M was born in 1983 and it started to experience many
challenges. The Movement almost became a victim of the inherited divisions
among Southern Sudanese nationalities. As a result, there were many
interpretations and prejudices against it. It was a time when there was no
unity of minds and actions among Southern Sudanese. The 1984 SPLA/M split
and infighting added more confusion. The interpretations were that it was a
Dinka Movement with an objective of fighting against eviction from Juba as
a result of kokora. There was a widespread short sightedness even some
intellectuals would ask the question: “Who told John Garang to liberate
Equatorians”?

During the entire period of the liberation war, Khartoum used ethnic
differences as basis for recruiting militias against the SPLA/M. Southern
Sudanese persistence and perseverance paid with Comprehensive Peace
Agreement (CPA) that led to the independence we are enjoying today.
Uncountable thanks to the SPLA/M for paying price.

During the CPA period leading to independence, some reconciliation happened
(2005 & 2008). This was initiated by the SPLM. Most militia groups
responded and their forces were integrated into the SPLA. Some militia
leaders and groups made it a practice of acquiring resources from the
government of South Sudan and fighting SPLA and defecting again to Khartoum
and back repeatedly. President Kiir offered endless amnesties and the game
of defections continued to be a business of rewards and appeasement.

This has created sharp differences among South Sudanese, leaving deep
wounds of hatred and distrust. There has never been any organisation to dig
into the depth of such issues in terms of allowing confessions by the
offenders and listening to experiences from the victims.

Moreover, South Sudanese have not learned from all these so as to change.
The desired change needed is the knowledge that struggle for the control of
the political power has now been identified as the cause of the conflicts
among South Sudanese. This knowledge would facilitate a clear choice
between the methods of political practices and processes that lead to
capturing a political power. In other words, do we need to access political
power through an ethnic violence or through political parties that can
compete, using political programmes for people to make a choice?

As a reminder, South Sudan started as a democratic country in 2005 (power
sharing) all the way to period of elections in 2010. Its Constitution has
the features of being a “decentralised multi-party democratic system of
governance”. Before the crisis of December 2013, the South Sudanese public
anticipated elections by April 2015. That day was not reached without the
crisis. The idea of seeking public office through popular election was not
appreciated as an option. This means that this period of Transitional
Government of National Unity (TGoNU) must be used to educate South Sudanese
on the procedures that must be followed to bring about leaders of
government.

First, do we accept elections as the only satisfactory way of choosing
leaders in South Sudan? If the answer is yes, then each ethnic group must
stop following their son/daughter blindly because the person comes from
“our ethnic community”. They must educate their communities.

The second choice is: do we need to mobilise our ethnic communities and
take power by violence? If this is the choice, do those foreign “friends of
South Sudan” support this as an option? These two questions are the main
entry points to making peace, reconciliation and a sustainable political
system in South Sudan. Foreign friends, in case South Sudan has them, must
patiently study and understand this situation before making declarations of
their intent. This approach is the most logical one in changing the
mind-set. Using external resources, power and pressure to make negative
influence without listening to logics and understanding is the surest way
to fail peace and reconciliation.

*You can reach the author via his email: Bol Makueng – [email protected]
<http://yahoo.co.uk>*

*The opinion expressed here is solely the view of the writer. The veracity
of any claim made are the responsibility of the author, not PaanLuel Wël:
South Sudanese Bloggers (SSB) website. If you want to submit an opinion
article or news analysis, please email it to [email protected]
<http://gmail.com>. SSB do reserve the right to edit material before
publication. Please include your full name, email address, city and the
country you are writing.*

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