---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: IRIN <[email protected]>
Date: Wed, Jul 6, 2016 at 9:02 AM
Subject: Why Nigeria’s military make bad aid workers ...
To: ElisabethJanaina <[email protected]>


Today's humanitarian news and analysis

*Online version
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Why Nigeria’s military make bad aid workers
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=8a41191a4f&e=399c7ee738>



Something odd was happening outside the Dalori camp for displaced people on
the outskirts of Nigeria’s northeastern city of Maiduguri.



In front of the gates, a group of men in a mixture of civilian and military
outfits were shovelling bags of blankets and plastic goods into an auto
rickshaw, known in Nigeria as a ‘keke’.



The cherry on top of this illicit sundae was a printer, still in its box,
shoved with such force into the overloaded three-wheeler that it nearly
toppled over. Kick-started into life by a nearly invisible driver, the keke
struggled up a small embankment onto the pot-holed road and was gone:
brazenly carting away donations made to some of the world’s most vulnerable
people.



The theft of relief materials for the 20,000 displaced people in Dalori is
criminal and reprehensible. One aid worker at the camp, who has witnessed
such behaviour repeatedly, remarked that it was like “stealing from a
corpse”, in light of how little assistance the IDPs receive.



It also points to a larger problem over the management of the 244,000
displaced people who have fled Boko Haram violence and settled in 75
government-run sites.



According to the UN’s Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement, the
management of IDP camps is usually vested in “existing government agencies
with relevant mandates
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=c73d8d101a&e=399c7ee738>
”.



More to read



Chibok girls – do we really care?
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=c6025316fa&e=399c7ee738>



Coerced or committed? Boko Haram’s female suicide bombers
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=583318aa33&e=399c7ee738>



Boko Haram is losing, but so is food production
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage1.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=5f3ebd3d0a&e=399c7ee738>



In Nigeria’s case, that would be the Emergency Management Agency at the
individual state level. But, in reality, IDP sites are effectively under
military control. Armed soldiers, police, and a paramilitary vigilante
group known as the Civilian Joint Task Force (CJTF) protect the camps, and
the military provides the final authorisation on who is allowed to enter.


A ‘faceless insurgency’



While officially justified on the grounds of the Boko Haram security
threat, the military’s role poses problems for the displaced, state
authorities, and humanitarian agencies alike. It goes further than merely
securing the camp from external threats; soldiers are also frequently
tasked with the distribution of relief
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=964fccb683&e=399c7ee738>,
particularly in remote areas that are more vulnerable to attack.



There is an obvious practical reason, according to Hamsatu Allamin,
coordinator in the northeast of the UK-funded Nigeria Stability and
Reconciliation Programme, a conflict reduction
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=73619f7234&e=399c7ee738>
initiative.



“In communities like Bama and Dikwa [previously Boko Haram strongholds],
there is no civilian government presence, no INGO presence,” Allamin
explained. “There’s only the military to care for the IDPs, deliver food,
fight the war, and protect the people.”



The UN refugee agency, UNHCR, argues that the security threat in the
northeast means the humanitarian effort cannot be independent of the
military.



“You are dealing with an insurgency, a faceless insurgency,” a UNHCR
official, who asked not to be named, told IRIN. “In other situations you
have people with an objective, who you can negotiate with. People here are
killing for the sake of killing.”


A tempting target



In February, a Boko Haram double suicide bombing
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=b4c2846c75&e=399c7ee738>
took the lives of at least 56 people in an IDP camp in Dikwa, 80 kilometres
northeast of Maiduguri. This week, the army thwarted an attempted attack
against IDPs in Monguno
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=cf879ba8f0&e=399c7ee738>,
close to the Chadian border, shooting dead two female suicide bombers. A
third suspect’s explosive vest detonated prematurely.



The militarisation of IDP camps presents Boko Haram with an even more
tempting target. But the blurring of the lines between civilian and
insurgent, between humanitarian intervention and security surveillance,
also invites abuse within the camps.

[image: IDP camp Adamawa]
Immanuel Afolabi/Flickr
IDP children at Malkohi camp in Adamawa

Organised theft, like the scene at Dalori, is not uncommon under conditions
of weak accountability.  A UN official, who like all others interviewed for
this story requested anonymity, recounted a case in which ambulances filled
with goods for IDPs were allegedly “packed up in the night and taken away”
by soldiers and vigilantes.


Impunity



Even more serious is the impunity the security forces appear to enjoy when
it comes to sexual abuse and harassment.



“The soldiers and vigilantes harass the women in places that you cannot see
it, but we have heard so many reports,” another UNHCR official said. “When
they want to go out, access food, or get help, they are forced to give sex.”



There is no effective system to address abuse by the military. “Reports
would have to go to the security officials, but they are the ones most
often committing the abuses,” one UN official explained.



Despite the fact that living in a formal camp comes with healthcare, some
psychosocial support, and food assistance, conditions are such that out of
the 1.8 million
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=b8ce267ccb&e=399c7ee738>
officially displaced in the northeast, more than 87 percent elect to live
outside the camps, among relatives and friends in the community.



The brutality and lack of professionalism of the Nigerian military are
long-standing
problem
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=edda832e31&e=399c7ee738>s
– it’s a history punctuated by excesses against civilians, for which the
armed forces have widespread impunity
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=c22f25b908&e=399c7ee738>
.


Danger recognised



And Boko Haram capitalises on that bitter narrative. One teenage girl
living in a government-run camp in Maiduguri was initially terrified of
being settled there because of the soldiers and police she saw manning the
gate.



She told IRIN that Boko Haram had told everyone in her village: “Beware of
the Nigerian military, because if they find you they will kill you!”



Borno State Govenor Keshim Shettima recognises that the militarisation of
the relief effort poses a threat to its humanitarian character, and the
quality of the care provided.



“We have done as much as possible to secure the camps, but also to
demilitarise them,” he said. “That is why we have increased the presence of
the police, the Nigerian Civil Defense Corps, the CJTF.”



But as the insurgency winds down, the best hope is that civilians will be
able to soon leave the camps and return to their homes in safety.



hm/oa/ag



Lead image: IDP women flag down a keke to transport relief supplies, photo
by Immanuel Afolabi
idp1.jpg
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage1.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=7b97f7b0f6&e=399c7ee738>
Analysis <http:///analysis> Aid and Policy <http:///aid-and-policy>
Migration <http:///migration> Conflict <http:///conflict> Why Nigeria’s
military make bad aid workers Hilary Matfess
<http:///authors/hilary-matfess> IRIN <http:///byline/irin> Militarisation
of IDP camps has become a licence for abuse MAIDUGURI
<http:///publication-location/maiduguri> Africa <http:///africa> Nigeria
<http:///afrique/afrique-de-louest/nigeria>

*Read on
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