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From: Small Arms Survey <[email protected]>
Date: Thu, Jul 7, 2016 at 6:04 PM
Subject: The Nuer White Army in South Sudan’s Civil War: New report from SAS
To: [email protected]


The Small Arms Survey’s Human Security Baseline Assessment (HSBA) for Sudan
and South Sudan project is pleased to announce the release of a new Working
Paper entitled ‘*Popular Struggles and Elite Co-optation: The Nuer White
Army in South Sudan’s Civil War,’ *by John Young.

http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/fileadmin/docs/working-papers/HSBA-WP41-White-Army.pdf


This paper reviews the limited literature on the history, organization, and
operation of the white army in the context of the civil war that erupted in
December 2013. Based primarily on interviews, it provides a broad picture
of the contemporary white army and attempts to give its fighters a human
face. Second, and in particular, it examines the motivation of white army
fighters, their understanding of the war and the peace agreement, what they
want for the future of South Sudan, their response to accusations of human
rights abuses, and other issues.

The white armies of the Eastern Nuer figured prominently in Sudan’s second
civil war (1983–2005), were a major source of instability during the
transitional and independence period (2005–13), and served as the main
fighting force of the opposition to the government in the South Sudanese
civil war that broke out in December 2013. Despite the long and significant
role of the white armies in these conflicts, no major studies of them have
been published and only a handful of less than comprehensive research
papers. As a result, the role, interests, organization, hierarchy,
relationship to other political and military actors, and general attitudes
of white army fighters are poorly understood.

One of the objectives of this study is to attempt to understand how white
army fighters view the war and assess their attitudes to the peace
agreement and peace process at the time of writing. The second component of
this study takes up issues of a ‘technical’ nature, in particular a
comparison with other irregular South Sudanese forces, the organization of
the white army, its leadership and hierarchy, its links to Sudan People’s
Liberation Movement-in-Opposition (SPLM-IO) regular forces, its components,
recent internal changes, and the way in which it fought government forces.
The study is also based on the conviction that the interests of the white
army fighters need to be addressed, even though they are poorly articulated
and understood, if there is to be any hope for sustainable peace in South
Sudan.

Among the paper’s key findings:

   - The war of the Eastern Nuer white armies against the Government of
   South Sudan was a popular war that had the almost complete support of the
   communities from which the fighters came and involved very little outside
   support.
   - The white armies of the Eastern Nuer can be distinguished from other
   community-level youth-based self-defence groups and militias that developed
   in South Sudan by their measure of autonomy from external military and
   political forces, lack of a formal military hierarchy, internal
   mobilization, strong links to the fighters’ communities, and capacity to
   fight beyond these communities for broader objectives.
   - The 1991 attack on Bor led by Riek Machar marks the birth of the Nuer
   white army, and that attack involved widespread abuse of civilians and
   looting that were motivated by deep-seated hatred of the Dinka and a desire
   for revenge. White army attacks on government-held towns in Jonglei and
   Upper Nile in the wake of the mid-December 2013 killing of Nuer civilians
   in Juba, which white army fighters held to be the responsibility of Dinka
   in general and President Salva Kiir in particular, involved similar motives.
   - It is common to attribute the December 2013 war to a power struggle
   within the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) leadership, and both
   the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD)-led negotiations and
   the Arusha SPLM reconciliation talks were based on this assumption, and
   thus have focused on elite power sharing and SPLM reconciliation. However,
   not one white army fighter interviewed during the course of this research
   said that this was his motivation for fighting, and nor did any of them say
   they fought because Riek Machar was removed from the vice presidency or to
   gain positions for Nuer in a post-conflict government. Without exception,
   the fighters said the reason they fought was revenge for the killing of
   Nuer civilians and family members in Juba in mid-December 2013 and to free
   members of their families from government-occupied towns.
   - Although SPLM-IO leader Riek Machar claimed in testimony to the
   African Union Commission of Inquiry on South Sudan (AU CoISS) that from 17
   December 2013 he was in control of all the armed opposition forces, which
   necessarily includes the white army, this claim is not borne out by this
   study. An examination of the history of the white armies going back to 1991
   suggests that neither he nor anyone else can be said to control them, and
   nor did Riek or his representatives have any role in the mobilization of
   the white army after the Juba killings. Lam Akol’s statement to the
   commission of inquiry that Riek ‘took over a rebellion that was not his’
   (AU CoISS, 2014, p. 131) is thus an accurate assessment.
   - It is the white army and not the black or regular forces of the
   SPLM-IO that largely captured the government-controlled towns of Jonglei
   and Upper Nile, but the fighters’ lack of interest in sustained military
   operations meant that they soon returned home, leaving the towns to the
   regular SPLM-IO forces, who proved incapable of holding them.
   - Although attacks by white army fighters on government-held towns has
   led to the popular perception of them as wild, violent, and beyond control,
   in their home areas they have generally been well behaved, followed the
   direction of elders and the civil authorities, and are being used by local
   SPLM-IO administrations as an important element in preserving security.
   - The fact that Salva Kiir, whom the white army fighters hold
   responsible for the killing of Nuer civilians in Juba, remains the
   president of South Sudan and the continuing presence of Sudan People’s
   Liberation Army (SPLA) soldiers in the white army’s homeland means that,
   irrespective of the signing of the Agreement on the Resolution of the
   Conflict in South Sudan, white army fighters do not recognize that the war
   has ended, at best only a ceasefire exists, and in the present
   circumstances there can be no consideration of a civilian disarmament
   process, which is critical to any sustainable peace.
   - The SPLM-IO has made no effort to politically educate the white army
   fighters and as a result most of them fought simply out of a desire for
   revenge and hatred of the Dinka. But the limitations of this approach are
   becoming clear and the fighters are not happy with the outcome of the war,
   are increasingly distrustful of the SPLM-IO leadership and the peace
   agreement, and a minority have concluded they have been betrayed and want
   to resume the war.

*Popular Struggles and Elite Co-optation* (HSBA Working Paper 41) is
available for download from
http://www.smallarmssurveysudan.org/fileadmin/docs/working-papers/HSBA-WP41-White-Army.pdf


For more information, please contact:
Yodit Lemma
HSBA Project Coordinator
Small Arms Survey
[email protected]

Human Security Baseline Assessment (HSBA) for Sudan and South Sudan
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