The consequences of the South Sudan government’s violence
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BY: ELHAJ Paul, JUL/20/2016, SSN;

The implosion of SPLM/A with its factions in Juba from 7th July 2016 to
11th July 2016, was not an unexpected thing. That it would happen was not a
matter of if, but when, and indeed it happened much earlier than expected.
South Sudanese warned the world and kept beating the alert drums
consistently, but all these as usual fell on deaf ears.

The chairman of Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission who should have
heeded the warning certainly ignored the messages and now we have chaos in
the South Sudan.

Now that things have slightly settled down following the cease fire, it is
time to do some thinking on the whole thing. In this process it is
important to acknowledge the pains inflicted on the country by actions of a
grossly negligent government.

All of us the South Sudanese in one way or another are deeply hurt by loss
of loved ones, and traumatised by witnessing the savagery in Juba that went
on for those four days. For those of us who survived the Juba carnage of
1965, this brutality awakens a deeper and hidden pain in us.

What makes it worse is that the Juba Carnage happened on exactly the same
day: Friday 8th July. Note everything is the same except for the year.

As a survivor of that grave crime against the people of South Sudan, I have
sadly come to accept that extreme evil exists in all societies. The naive
and racially biased judgement we doled out to the Arabs was full of
ignorance. For the savagery of President Salva Kiir’s government far
exceeds what the Arabs had done in South Sudan.

This piece attempts to examine the consequences of the South Sudanese
government’s violence against its people that has thrown the country into
chaos.

If President Kiir, the Jieng Council of Elders and their Chief of the army
General Paul Malong Awan Anei thought that by attempting to assassinate Dr
Riek Machar they would strengthen their political grip on the country, they
no doubt must have miscalculated.

With or without Dr Machar their half baked plan would not bring peace. If
anything it would lead to further destabilisation of the country.

It is not rocket science to work out that if Dr Machar disappears from the
scene the Agreement for Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (ARCISS)
would still have to be implemented. What then is the point in trying to
assassinate Dr Machar, if this is not personal tribal hatred?

In the process of this evil plan, the government has plunged the country
into a crisis inviting possible foreign intervention to the government’s
dismay. The United Nations response to the crisis in questions appears to
be heading in that direction.

Now there are three variant perspectives competing to shape the future of
South Sudan. The first is made up of those who strongly recommend
trusteeship as the only solution to address the chronic failure of
leadership in Juba.

The second group is made up of those who advocate partial intervention to
save ARCISS, and the third group is made up of supporters of the government
who do not support intervention of any nature. If anything they want
President Kiir to continue with violation of ARCISS to appoint a Machar
replacement.

The advocates of trusteeship include Professor Mahmood Mamdani, Dr Remember
Miamingi, Dr Lako Jada Kwajok and others. This group has made a compelling
case that can not simply be brushed aside.

Mamdani in his YouTube video, ’South Sudan was not ready for Independence’,
thinks that “politically this authority [South Sudan] should be led by
somebody who has both the experience, and the vision, and the confidence of
everybody concerned.

In my [Mamdani’s] view there is one party, which is the AU High Panel in
the Sudan led by former president Thabo Mbeki.” (
https://uk.search.yahoo.com/search?fr=mcafee&type=B214GB642D20110806&p=south+sudan+was+not+ready+for+independence)


Although Mamdani’s argument is powerful for the case of trusteeship, his
conclusion quoted above falls short of acknowledging and accepting that
there are capable South Sudanese who can actually competently with
confidence lead South Sudan, for example, Fr Paride Taban.

Dr Miamingi in conversation with Ivan Okuda of the Monitor newspaper under
the heading, ‘South Sudan as a state was still born’, equally makes a
powerful case of intervention for a hybrid administration consisting of
local and foreign people.

He sums it as follows: “This country has failed and won’t work unless the
following happens: first, an international military intervention to secure
the country and protect civilians.

Second, the replacement of the failed government in Juba with a hybrid
administration of South Sudanese technocrats supported by our brothers from
the region and international community. This transitional arrangement will
reconcile, heal, foster accountability, restore order, hand it a
constitution and after that process organise elections with guaranteed
sanity.” (
http://www.monitor.co.ug/Magazines/PeoplePower/South-Sudan-as-a-state-was-stillborn/-/689844/3298006/-/rv8c42/-/index.html
)

Dr Kwajok expressing the view of the majority of South Sudanese in his
article titled, ‘United Nations Trusteeship is the best option to resolve
the crisis in South Sudan’, points out that “There is a growing consensus
among a significant number of South Sudanese that supports UN takeover of
the country until it’s able to function as a viable state. A 5-year period
under UN Trusteeship would give the country the chance to start afresh on
sound foundations.”
(http://www.southsudannation.com/united-nations-trusteeship-is-the-best-option-to-resolve-the-crisis-in-south-sudan/)
<http://www.southsudannation.com/united-nations-trusteeship-is-the-best-option-to-resolve-the-crisis-in-south-sudan/>

The second group wants to see the implementation of the peace agreement
resume with both President Kiir and Dr Machar working together. The group
consist of the United Nations, IGAD and the Troika.

The Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr Ban Ki Moon advancing this
view in his response to the crisis recommended to ‘the Council (UNSC) to
take action on three fronts:
=== impose an immediate arms embargo on South Sudan,
=== enact additional targeted sanctions on leaders and commanders blocking
the implementation of the peace agreement, and
=== fortify UNMISS with “desperately needed” attack helicopters and other
material to fulfil the mandate to protect civilians.’ (
http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=54434#.V41JaNQrLs0) Equally
both IGAD and the Troika called for the same. (
http://www.sudantribune.com/spip.php?article59587)

The third group is that of the government and its supporters who want the
status quo to continue. The Jieng Council of Elders is already issuing out
threats against any intervention. Please see, ‘Dinka Council of Elders
warns war over additional UNMISS troops’, (
https://radiotamazuj.org/en/article/dinka-council-elders-warns-war-over-additional-unmiss-troops).
This group should be ignored. They have already failed spectacularly and
they have nothing to offer the country.

Those arguing for trusteeship no doubt have made strong and valid points
that South Sudan one way or other needs to be pulled out of the mud it is
deeply stuck in.

Their recommendations however ignore a hidden reality in South Sudanese
politics, which is that the country actually has knowledgeable and
competent leaders to lead it, the reason these leaders have not surfaced is
because of SPLM/A’s violence towards leaders from other ethnicities.

They have not asked the question: Is it true that South Sudan does not have
the necessary leaders? If they did, they perhaps would have come up with
the right answer.

Mamdani’s recommendation is outright contemptuous of South Sudan and its
people. He parachutes Mr Mbeki as the qualified person to fix South Sudan
without taking into consideration that leaders like his nominee, are
currently failing South Sudan.

What have the foreigners with impeccable governance credentials appointed
to manage the current agreement done? Are they any more of a success than
the failed South Sudanese leadership? How has the implementation of ARCISS
led to chaos under their watch?

All the signs for impending troubles were in their face, what did they do?
Mamdani presents a paradox himself in his video where he acknowledges the
failure of the international community.

On the other hand, placing hope on ARCISS and spending energy to salvage it
is a dead end. It will not work. What is needed now is for the two
perspectives of those supporting intervention to be merged to give birth to
a totally new approach that breaks the backbone of the cancer – SPLM/A with
its various factions once and for all, in order for peace to come to South
Sudan.

Therefore, the international community as recommended should intervene to
separate the SPLM-IG and SPLM-IO and demilitarise the capital. Once the
capital is demilitarised and security is restored, the intervention force
takes over the security of the capital for the entire duration of the
interim period.

This should then be followed by the dissolution of the Transitional
Government of National Unity of President Kiir and Dr Machar.

A national Unity conference should then be organised composed of all the
registered parties, registered civil societies, faith based groups, and the
Diaspora supported by one of ‘The Elders’ (www.theelders.org), preferably
Kofi Annan with the main objective to choose a new transitional government
whose agenda includes the main provisions of ARCISS.

This new administration must be a product owned by the South Sudanese
people, to dispel the propaganda of the JCE and their song of sovereignty
aimed at elevating themselves fraudulently. It also should avoid the
shenanigans and bias of IGAD Plus during their mediation of ARCISS.

South Sudan’s parliament should not play any role in this process because:

1) It is not a legitimate body. All the MPs like President Kiir himself
were not voted in by the South Sudanese people in an independent South
Sudan.
2) They failed to play their role in holding the executive to account since
2005.
3) A good number of the MPs are nominees of the already proven failed
leaders that have plunged the country into the abyss. The people of South
Sudan through the mentioned organisations should now make the decision of
who should run the country on behalf of the people.

In conclusion, South Sudan has been hijacked by the SPLM/A, and it has been
abused to an extent that the only way out now is partial intervention.

If the international community truly wants to support the people of South
Sudan as it claims, then they need to provide the needed security and safe
environment for South Sudanese to exercise their collective sovereignty.
This surely is not much to ask for…

[Truth hurts but it is also liberating]
Elhag Paul
[email protected]
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1 Comment
Bol Khan <http://southsudannation.com>
July 20, 2016 at 4:26 pm
<http://www.southsudannation.com/the-consequences-of-south-sudan-governments-violence/#comment-1300003>

Dear Elhag Paul,

This is well thought, written and well placed piece as usual. Thanks You
Mr. Paul! This time, if International Community needs to help the
downtrodden South Sudanese they should partially decide and bring civilians
protection forces to Juba. Riek Machar has totally failed to transform a
tribal President Kiir democratically using the SPLM means. The SPLM/A is an
hooligan movement founded in a pool full of blood. The fact that its first
Chairman was a Dinka as well as the second led about 85% of Jieng Community
to think that the organization belongs to that Community. They used that as
tool to kill Nuer. Now they turn its against Equatorians, other tribes in
Bhar Elgazal and elsewhere in South Sudan. Salva Kiir, Malong and their
tribal traditional Chiefs are still in Juba simply because South Sudanese
choose peace over war against these some Jieng people who have now shown
beyond doubt that they shan’t be given a chance in leadership comes what in
the future. The killings which they are carrying out currently in Eqatoria
will be the last, in the months to come all South Sudanese tribes will set
to put to an end this tribal and genocidal regime of Slava Kiir and Malong.

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