---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: John Ashworth <[email protected]>
Date: Sun, Jul 24, 2016 at 10:23 AM
Subject: [sudans-john-ashworth] Politics of fear in South Sudan
To: Group <[email protected]>


Politics of fear in South Sudan

DANIEL AKECH THIONG 22 July 2016
Open Democracy

This is a country where a considerable number of citizens are crammed
into UN protection camps out of fear of their own government.

Debris from fighting between forces of Salva Kiir and Riek Machar, in
July, 2016 in Juba, South Sudan. Samir Bol / Press Association. All
rights reserved.The South Sudanese political landscape has become
frighteningly unpredictable. It is nearly impossible to address one
crisis without another more serious one cropping up.

The political risks were low while the economy boomed, but became high
once it began to crash under the weight of a trinity of shocks to the
polity: South Sudan’s suicidal decision to shutdown its oil production
over a row with neighboring Sudan in 2012, global crumbling of crude
oil prices, and the civil war that broke out in December 2013.

The signs of a conflict erupting and the build-up of tensions, marked
by a sequence of revenge killings, were visible to the coalition
government in Juba during the first week of July 2016, yet the
government was unable to prevent them. Some analysts have said this
failure is due to a lack of command and control from top leadership.

However, the best way to explain this failure is by exposing how
fraudulent an enterprise the government has become, selling false
promises and propagating fear. Self-preservation and remaining in a
warmongering mindset are top priorities. Tribalism is key to this
success but profoundly damaging.

For the opposition, fighting for equitable representation in the elite
club is a key motivator in the conflict. But the rebel leadership,
like the government, also propagates fear to mobilize fighters.

Peace accords only benefit members of this elite club. Power-sharing
peace accords that have been signed by warring parties only last as
long as there is enough money in the public treasury. Once the
country’s resource envelope has been exhausted, the elite club begins
to disintegrate, sending its members to embark on mobilizing innocent
crowds to fight either for those elbowed out - to regain their
membership - or to maintain the positions of those who are already in
the club and feel threatened. Innocent people end up fighting for the
interests of this elite club, and the international community labors
to deal with these elite-centric pacts in accordance with resource
realities.

These government agents with access to resources and the ability to
decide how they are allocated form this minority club of elites. They
are undoubtedly dominated by members of the Dinka ethnic group.

Increasing suspicions

This cycle has many effects on community relations. One of the
particular dangers is the demonization of the Dinka collectively
because of the behavior of a handful of their leaders.

Two young men discussing the topic of an unusual increase in the
number of beggars on the streets of Juba, were overheard in a
restaurant. The non-Dinka challenged his Dinka friend: “If you people
beg now while you are in leadership, what will become of you when you
are not in power?” His friend firmly rebuffed the argument: “the fact
that we are begging in such alarming numbers is proof that those in
power have nothing to do with their tribes.”

It is the same conclusion a non-Dinka priest has reached. While
driving to church, he stopped at the Mobil roundabout in Juba. A woman
and two children approached his car asking for help. The priest rolled
down his window and chatted a little with each of them and gave them a
little something. While preaching, the non-Dinka priest told his
congregation that some had been under the impression that the
government was beneficial to the Dinka and oppressive to non-Dinka,
but the majority of people begging on the streets of Juba were Dinka.
He concluded that the government had oppressed all vulnerable
citizens, regardless of their tribes.

While a good number of Dinka are suffering the humiliation of having
been reduced to beggars as a consequence of inadequate political and
economic policies, a good number of them are nevertheless still
supportive of the leadership.

Distortion of cultural logic

Culturally, a Dinka man would die protecting neighbors’ cows from
outside raiders, but the logic is implicitly utilitarian: the man
could potentially receive the cows as a bride price for his daughter
or sister or female relative. This was the way in which a Dinka man
could speak of ‘our cattle camp’ even if he himself had not a single
cow.

 ‘Our government’ simply doesn't exist, given the way most governments
in Africa tend to be nothing more than extractive entities benefiting
only the minority that negotiates the sharing of resources among its
members.

An errant chief, however, might be punished for this distortion,
whereas a failed government agent would not. A young Dinka man locked
into heated exchange with a group of elders from his clan about the
state of affairs in the country ,challenged them by asking: “suppose
one of you is a village chief and there has been a conflict with the
people and one sub-clan ran away and when asked to return, they said
that they feared for their safety from the chief. Would you not feel
ashamed that you have let them down?”

Interestingly, while the elders agreed that such a chief should resign
immediately, as he had lost the trust and legitimacy to continue
ruling over his people, they could not pass the same judgment on their
fellow Dinka - the President of South Sudan.

This is a country where a considerable number of citizens are crammed
into UN protection camps out of fear of their own government.

What is at the root of the fear?

Some powerful actors have their own leadership ambitions which they
feel can only be achieved by stirring up violent crises, so as to
shake up the system and eliminate political rivals.

For instance, a group of political elite from the Dinka emerged under
the name of Jieng Council of Elders. They used fear to manipulate the
president and radicalize a host of young Dinka men who had been
recruited to wage a propaganda war.

The hatred is sold to the president as a sign of love for him. But at
the root of it, the propagation of fear is a tool for settling
internal competition among the political and military elite of Dinka.
The difference between President Salva Kiir and the Jieng Council of
Elders, who purportedly support him, is that the president would
rather share power with his archrivals than with those who harm him so
as not to lose his position at the apex.

The hardliners, however, are willing to continue pushing for war to
get rid of the opposition even if this would mean the president losing
power or the fate of the country being decided by external powers, as
it seems to be now.

Fear limits the options of the suffering masses who are categorized
into their ethnic cells. They are presented with hard choices: either
you support the leadership on a tribal basis or face extermination
once the other side wins the contest for power.

The state is already bankrupt and thereby unable to deliver services
and can only rely on tactics of self-preservation, using fear to
forcefully drive the masses to support its agenda.

Conclusion

While there is sufficient external pressure urging the principal
actors to do the right thing, there is nearly zero internal pressure
urging them to correct themselves.

The few voices that weren’t scared into silence have been physically
threatened and thrown into jail. A deep-seated fear drives the
remaining vast majority to fight to secure or maintain slots for their
sons in the elite club despite the fact that they do not reap any
benefits.

The elite packages this rivalry as beneficial for the wider group,
however, it only serves their own interests of self-preservation with
complete disregard for the well-being of people.

Daniel Akech Thiong is a South Sudanese independent researcher

https://www.opendemocracy.net/arab-awakening/daniel-akech-thiong/politics-of-fear-in-south-sudan

END
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John Ashworth

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