---------- Forwarded message ----------
From: John Ashworth <[email protected]>
Date: Sun, Aug 28, 2016 at 8:30 AM
Subject: [sudans-john-ashworth] The tragedy of the 'warring elite'
To: Group <[email protected]>


1. The tragedy that is South Sudan and warring elite

By Makau Mutua
Updated Sun, August 28th 2016 at 00:04 GMT +3
The Standard (Kenya)

For years, I thought South Sudan was a victim society. History has a
wicked way of dealing some people a cruel hand. Bad topography is one.
Another is simply having bad neighbours – predatory and malevolent
neighbours. Yet another is the cruelty of being colonised –
internally, or eternally. A greedy and myopic elite can be the final
straw. But dynamics internal to a people can also do them in. Taken
together, a combination of these factors can lead to damnation. That’s
what I believe is South Sudan’s curse. Everything – including the
proverbial kitchen sink – has been thrown at South Sudan. It’s a
tragedy that the elite in South Sudan can’t stop digging although it’s
already in a deep hole.

One of the arguments made by the colonial empires was that the
so-called natives lacked sovereignty of reason. That people who were
not white – defined as “the other” – lacked faculties of the mind
required for self-governance. By the way, that’s the genesis of
international law – as a legal justification to occupy and take
territories occupied by “natives” in the Americas, Africa, Asia, and
the Pacific. These lands were terra nullius – no man’s land. This
Eurocentric worldview held that non-whites were subhuman and that it
was the duty of the white man – predestination, or white man’s burden
– to raise backward peoples to full humanity. This was one rationale
for the colonisation and “salvation” of the native, the heathen, the
pagan, the savage, the kaffir.

Even the League of Nations and the United Nations ratified the
legality of colonisation and put colonial peoples under the “trust” or
“mandate” of the colonisers. The period of the “trust” and the
“mandate” was supposed to prepare natives for self-governance.

Apart from pitting native and against native, this was one function of
Lord Lugard’s Indirect Rule. It was the same logic for Alliance High
School – and other missionary or colonial schools – for native
children. The idea was to “beat the savage” out of them and “civilise”
them so they could first serve the empire, and later an African-ruled
state, if it came to that. That’s why we need to critique Carey
Francis again.

But I digress. What does all of this have to do with South Sudan? I
think Afro-pessimists and racists must be smiling in glee at the woes
in South Sudan and Somalia. Especially South Sudan. A state of
dystopia has descended on the poor people of that godforsaken country.
I do not know any rational human being who didn’t celebrate the
secession of South Sudan from Sudan. That forced marriage – born out
of rape – was doomed from the day it was conceived. The Arabised North
owned Sudan where the black African South and the black and Muslim
Darfur region were nothing but vassals for plunder. The trauma of
decades – centuries – of dispossession is evident in the people of
South Sudan.

My point is that those who believe that Africans are incapable of
ruling themselves must be dusting racist colonial manuals over
afternoon tea. These are the facts. After years of brutal, genocidal
wars, South Sudan walks away from Sudan. It’s blessed with abundant
natural resources and untold gushers of oil. The so-called
international community is itching to be part of South Sudan’s
success. Investors flock.

Advisors on everything from infrastructure to governance flood the
country. Kenyan teachers and other professionals, including builders
and bankers, rush in to fill the skills gap. For a moment, the world
lives in false bliss. Then everything falls apart. Fighting breaks out
between factions of government. Thousands are killed and many more
flee.

We are back to square one. President Salva Kiir and Vice President
Riek Machar – two antagonistic individuals – ignite the conflict.
Alas, it seems that South Sudan didn’t need Sudan to tear itself
apart.

The world pleads for sense. Kenya and her sane neighbours – and there
are not many – exert pressure on Mr Kiir and Dr Machar to put their
own people first. Nothing gives. Ceasefires are signed. Unity meetings
are held. Mr Machar even returns to Juba to take his seat as Vice
President.

Then he flees again – and is replaced by his former comrades. From
where I sit, I can predict with certainty that Mr Machar or his
lieutenants will launch a guerilla war against Juba. There’s no
respite.

What does the tragedy of South Sudan tell us about post-colonial
states, and especially the dysfunctional one in South Sudan?

What does it tell us about predatory post-colonial elites who can’t
see beyond the bridge of their noses? How do we answer the racist
charge “we told you so?” Is it the post-colonial state that’s
incapable of redemption, or the post-colonial elite that’s the doom of
many an African state? Can South Sudan save itself? I am tortured.

http://www.standardmedia.co.ke/article/2000213658/the-
tragedy-that-is-south-sudan-and-warring-elite

END1

2. South Sudan's troubled agreement is not keeping the peace

By JUSTIN LYNCH
 Aug. 27, 2016 10:30 AM EDT

JUBA, South Sudan (AP) — When South Sudan's president signed a peace
deal a year ago to try to end the country's civil war, he added 16
reservations to the agreement.

Salva Kiir called it "the most divisive and unprecedented peace deal"
in African history and said he only signed it because of "many
messages of intimidations and threats" from the international
community. He complained about the power given to opposition leader
Riek Machar as First Vice President, the placement of rebel forces in
the capital of Juba, and the authority given to monitors of the peace
deal.

Kiir's reservations were swiftly rejected by the U.S. government,
which led the charge for the peace agreement, according to diplomats
in Juba.

One year after the deal was signed, Kiir's list of reservations has
become a map of how South Sudan's peace agreement has unraveled:
Machar is no longer vice president, his forces have largely left Juba,
and U.N. peacekeepers have been largely ineffective.

"The year since the peace deal was signed has been an absolute
disaster for South Sudan," said Joshua Craze, a South Sudan researcher
at the Small Arms Survey. "Both sides, and especially the government,
have very little interest in keeping the peace deal which was largely
forced on them and accepted to pacify regional and international
actors."

South Sudan's civil war, which began in December 2013 and killed tens
of thousands of people, was a mixture of ethnic and personal
conflicts. After the agreement was signed in August 2015, fighting
continued and even intensified in some areas. President Kiir increased
the number of states from 10 to 28, a move of gerrymandering that put
local power in the hands of his allies, analysts say.

It took eight months of painstaking negotiations to persuade Machar
and his rebel forces to return to Juba, only for the city to erupt
into conflict in July which killed hundreds of civilians and soldiers.
Machar was controversially removed as First Vice President, and
hundreds more people have been killed in fighting between the two
armies in at least three other parts of the country since the July
clashes in Juba.

Adding to South Sudan's problems, inflation has reached 660 percent
and many hospitals face drug shortages. Nearly 197,000 people live in
U.N. protected camps across the country and many say they feel unsafe
to return home.

The international community is searching for new ways to keep the
peace in South Sudan but many question how much influence diplomats
have.

"Diplomacy only works where it's married to two things. One is a
hard-nosed grasp of the real truth on the ground, and second, credible
political will behind the diplomacy. We don't have either," said J.
Peter Pham, director of the Atlantic Council's Africa Center.

The United States is the single largest humanitarian donor to South
Sudan, giving $1.7 billion since the country's civil war began in
2013. This week, U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry said aid to South
Sudan will not continue forever if its leaders "are not prepared to do
what's necessary for their people." State Department officials say
that while the peace agreement has not been fully implemented, it is
still the best way to create peace in South Sudan.

A U.N. resolution, written by the United States and passed earlier
this month, plans to send 4,000 additional peacekeepers into the
capital to boost the existing force of 12,000 peacekeepers. The
resolution says that if South Sudan blocks the force, an arms embargo
will be considered.

"If the best we can do as an international community has been to
merely threaten the possibility of an arms embargo," said Pham, "It
should not be surprising that the South Sudanese warring factions have
not exactly been rushing to the peace table."

http://bigstory.ap.org/article/5a33d1332d25491187bf010936ebe8
4d/south-sudans-troubled-agreement-not-keeping-peace

END2
______________________
John Ashworth

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