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From: "IRIN" <[email protected]>
Date: 30 Sep 2016 09:03
Subject: Has Algeria taken an anti-IS vaccine? ...
To: "ElisabethJanaina" <[email protected]>
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Today's humanitarian news and analysis

*Online version
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Has Algeria taken an anti-IS vaccine?
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As so-called Islamic State recruits members from across the world, one
Muslim country has set itself apart. Despite its geographic proximity to
extremist-prone regions and a chequered past of militancy, Algeria, on the
southern shores of the Mediterranean, has fewer recruits than many others,
including next-door neighbours Morocco and Tunisia.

At first, it seems surprising. Algeria, the largest country in Africa and
home to 40 million people, knows extremism well. When the Soviet Union
invaded Afghanistan in 1979, Algerians were among the first to join the
newly formed mujahideen. Then, during Algeria’s civil war in the 1990s –
known locally as the “black decade” – Islamist groups established a
presence across the country.

Attacks and bombings, followed by counter-offensives from the government,
led to the deaths of more than 150,000 people and the disappearances of
another 7,000. Only in 2001 was the conflict finally brought to an end.

Fifteen years later, radicalism appears to hold relatively little appeal in
Algeria. There could, of course, be a spectacular attack tomorrow and
statistics don’t tell the whole story, but in terms of IS’s recent
recruitment of foreign fighters, Algeria lags far behind other countries in
North Africa.

In numbers published
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=82f3fb5ff1&e=399c7ee738>
in December,
Tunisia, Algeria’s much smaller neighbour, tops the list with 6,000-7000
recruits to extremist groups (mostly IS) in Syra and Iraq; Morocco,
bordering on the other side, had between 1,200 and 1,500 recruits. Algeria,
in comparison, was the origin of only about 200 fighters.

Dalia Ghanem-Yazbeck, a visiting scholar at the Carnegie Middle East Center
who is also Algerian, has spent the past 10 years studying radicalisation
but was still taken aback by the low numbers.

“I was very surprised [at] first,” she told IRIN. “How come a land like
Tunisia, the happy child of the Arab Spring, has higher numbers than us?”

The main explanation, she believes, is Algeria’s own legacy of conflict.
The experience of living with extremism remains fresh in the country’s
collective memory and works as a form of psychological deterrent.

“The war was a massive trauma for the Algerian population,” Ghanem-Yazbeck
explained. “People are still scared and absolutely do not want to repeat
it. When images come from Libya and Syria today, they are daily reminders
of what millions of Algerians have lived through.”

Akram Kharief, an Algerian journalist and expert on security issues,
agrees. Looking at Algeria today, he sees it as proof that the “jihadist
promise” can fail.

“It can [fail], because it has already done so here. Interestingly, when
you look at those who have committed terrorist crimes in Algeria in the
past 10 years, the average age is 39 years. That is people coming from what
remains [of radical groups], not new recruits.”
The role of the state

This does not mean terrorism has become a non-issue in Algeria. There have
been a number of incidents in the past years, including the deadly hostage
taking at a gas facility in In Amenas in 2013 and the killing of a French
tourist by an IS-aligned group in northern Algeria in 2014. The regional
branch of al-Qaeda, al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, continues to retain
its standing and reputation.

But IS has been less successful. The group that killed the French tourist
Jund al-Khalifa was eliminated
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=87835c70a5&e=399c7ee738>
less than three months after the killing; a replacement group was also
finished off within a few days. The reason, Ghanem-Yazbeck believes, is
Algeria’s investment in its security forces.

With a vast and largely uninhabited desert, and long borders with countries
including Mali and Libya, maintaining control is a formidable task but one
that Algeria has poured resources into.

The country is the largest importer of weapons in Africa, and is alone
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=5a6b734e10&e=399c7ee738>
on the continent in spending more than $10 billion on its military every
year. Its police force
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also far exceeds that of others: 209,000 people were employed in Algeria’s
national security service in 2014, in comparison to Morocco’s 46,000 or the
143,000 in France, which has 65 million inhabitants – 25 million more than
Algeria.

“[The army] has become a massive force,” said Ghanem-Yazbeck. “If you add
to that the police, gendarmerie, and intelligence branches, it has avoided
many Algerians from reaching out [to groups like IS].”
Countering extremism

The years of conflict in the 1990s gave the government valuable expertise
in heading off extremism before it has time to flourish, even if the
methods it uses are sometimes questionable.

A source who works on anti-radicalisation in Algiers described to IRIN, on
condition of anonymity, what happened to a young man whose friend was
recruited by IS.

[image: Cafes on an Algiers street]
Karim Mostafa/IRIN
There are few visible reminders of the civil war on Algiers' main
thoroughfare, but the conflict is still part of the collective memory

“When [the IS recruit] arrived in Syria, he shared a photo on Facebook. The
friend in Algiers saw this and pressed ‘like’, that’s all. Next morning,
the security service came knocking on his door.”

And while questions remain about the effectiveness of strategies that fall
under the umbrella of “Countering Violent Extremism”, Tarek Hadjoudj, a
physician and civil society activist who works with youth projects across
the country, says Algeria’s experience with conflict makes even informal
programmes more effective.



Related: Does Countering Violent Extremism work?
<http://irinnews.us12.list-manage1.com/track/click?u=31c0c755a8105c17c23d89842&id=9498d454dc&e=399c7ee738>



As part of a reconciliation process after the civil war, many former
fighters were granted amnesty and reintegrated into their communities.

“They are now talking to youths, telling them that violence leads to
nothing,” he explained, mentioning the case of a long-time fighter who
lives in Jiel, a conservative northern area of the country.

Today, Hadjoudj said, that fighter is “actively reaching out and
discouraging youth from joining [IS]”.

He added that in his conversations with young people who sympathise with
Islamist extremism, they don’t tend to mention a desire to go abroad and
fight. “There is a consciousness today, especially in many low-income
neighbourhoods, that what happened during our years of terrorism led to
nothing.”
Government buy-in

The Algerian regime, led by 79-year-old president Abdelaziz Bouteflika from
the National Liberation Front (FLN) has an interest in fighting
radicalisation not only to keep the peace – the issue has become one of its
best instruments for remaining in power.

“The state is capitalising on the fact that Algerians are fed up with
violence. It was very enlightening to see that the FLN’s latest slogan was
‘stability and continuity’,” said Ghanem-Yazbeck.

She describes a government that is trying to leave the traumatic years of
the 1990s behind, but not willing to actually resolve what happened.

“There was a reconciliation after the war which was good, but we still
haven’t talked about those years. We need to do that in order to really
move on.”

[image: Woman and stairs]
Karim Mostafa/IRIN
Algeria has fewer IS recruits than next-door neighbours Morocco and Tunisia

One thing the government has done, she explained, is control the Algerian
religious sphere. Radical preachers were shut out from the mosques after
the 1990s, and the government has since kept them under its authority. A
national union to unite the country’s imams was formed in 2013 to act as a
“bulwark against imported religious ideas”. There are also plans for the
launch of a university programme to train imams.

Ghanem-Yazbeck points to another reason why IS has little appeal in
Algeria: Dawa Salafiya, or “quiet Salafism”, as it is sometimes called.
This alternative Islamic movement, which spreads its messages through a
number of media channels, has gained ground in Algeria since the end of the
civil war.

“Being very disappointed with the Islamist parties in the 1990s, people
increasingly started turning to Dawa Salafiya, which doesn’t have any
involvement in politics. In fact, it believes that politics has a damaging
effect on Muslims. In that sense, they are an alternative to jihadism,” she
said.

Ghanem-Yazbeck thinks Algerians may be “vaccinated” against this kind of
radicalisation for now, but the vaccine won’t last forever.

“The memory of what happened in the 1990s is fading away a bit with every
year, and new generations are growing up who did not experience the war,
and violence will return. It is only a question of when.”

[image: Young men play pool]
Karim Mostafa/IRIN
Young Algerians are joining IS in relatively low numbers

jg/as/ag

*(TOP PHOTO: A woman walks through Algiers' old town. The entire city, like
most of the country, suffered greatly during the "black decade" of the
1990s. Karim Mostafa/IRIN)*


Algiers.jpg
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Analysis <http:///analysis> Aid and Policy <http:///aid-and-policy> Conflict
<http:///conflict> Politics and Economics <http:///politics-and-economics>
Has Algeria taken an anti-IS vaccine? Jenny Gustafsson
<http:///authors/jenny-gustafsson> IRIN <http:///byline/irin> ALGIERS
<http:///publication-location/algiers> Africa <http:///africa> Middle East
and North Africa <http:///middle-east-and-north-africa> Morocco
<http:///%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D8%B1%D9%82-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D9%88%D8%B3%D8%B7/morocco>
Algeria
<http:///%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D8%B1%D9%82-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D9%88%D8%B3%D8%B7/algeria>
Tunisia
<http:///%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%B4%D8%B1%D9%82-%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%A3%D9%88%D8%B3%D8%B7/tunisia>

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