Juba Govt in a Dilemma: Disengagement with SPLM-North versus
Reinstatement of Dr. Machar to Resuscitate Peace Agreement
Dec. 07 Featured, Uncategorized no comments     
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BY: Joseph Odhok, NOV/07/2016, SSN;

The story of SPLM/A North dates back to the days of the revolutionary
war of struggle waged by the Sudan People Liberation Army under the
command of Dr. John Garang De Mabior against the Sudanese successive
governments. The people of Southern Kordofan/Nuba Mountains and
Southern Blue Nile States, attracted by the vision of “New Sudan”
joined the ranks of the movement in their tens of thousands.

Their aspirations had been the realization of development, justice and
equality based on citizenship in their neglected and least developed
areas. The “New Sudan” motto then being advocated by Dr. John Garang
seemed the answer to these aspirations.

Having received military training, many of graduating soldiers of
these people were deployed in the South and fought alongside their
comrades from the South against the government army.

When the war ended in 2005, their forces remained an integral part of
the SPLA under the peace deal though they have a separate protocol
referred to as “The Resolution of Conflict in South Kordofan and Blue
Nile States.” This Protocol provided for “Popular Consultation” by the
fourth year of the Interim Period.

Under popular consultation, the CPA would be subjected to the people
of the two States to ascertain their view on implementation by means
of a “Parliamentary Assessment & Evaluation Commission,” tasked to
assess and evaluate the implementation and subsequently report to each
State which in turn should endorse it or rectify its shortcomings.

On Security Arrangements, under “Redeployment of Forces”, the two
forces, SAF & SPLA, were to disengage and separate.

Forces of Sudan Armed Forces SAF deployed in Southern Sudan were
redeployed North of South/North border of 1/1/1956. While SPLA forces
deployed in South Kordofan/Nuba Mountains and Southern Blue Nile were
redeployed south of the South/North border of 1/1/1956. Thus putting
the two areas under SAF control.

With this brief background, the reader will be able to a certain
extent, make some inference of what would be the nature of future
relationship configuration between the SPLA/North and SPLA/South after
cessation of South Sudan from Sudan.

The people of Southern Blue Nile and the Nuba Mountains felt betrayed
by the new leadership which succeeded Dr. John Garang when they
abandoned the movement’s original vision of “New Sudan”.

A united Sudan under new political dispensation would have guaranteed
their rights for development, justice and equality, and as a
consequence meeting their aspirations.

In fact the CPA offered them nothing tangible than the hope of getting
their fair share of development and political participation within the
new politically restructured country, where the alliance of the SPLM
and the people from the least developed regions would be the dominant
political force.

Faced with uncertain future, and given their significant influence in
the composition of SPLA forces, and to avoid the negative impact their
resentment may cause if their grievance is not addressed, there is a
possibility of some kind of a deal having been reached between the two
parties on the fault-line. This would include the fate of their forces
after South Sudan got it independence.

Which is why all the efforts to transform SPLA into a National
professional army of South Sudan came to no fruition, and thus the
country’s leadership deliberately retained its name ostensibly to
resist disengagement to appease their comrades and also to use them
for their secret purposes.

Technically, SPLA/North remains part and parcel of the SPLM/SPLA-IG
despite political rhetoric of disengagement by the Juba regime. They
are still based in the country and get their weaponry and other
support from the SPLA and the government.

They also fight alongside SPLA forces against the Opposition forces
across the country. Its leadership is also embroiled in corruption
scandals together with the country’s political elite and the military
top brass.

At present, they are the strongest military force that the regime has
got after the SPLA disintegrated and reduced to a tribal weak force
following the current raging ethno-political war across the country.

Last Month, the Sudanese President, Omer Al-Bashir issued an ultimatum
to Juba regime to immediately disengage from the Sudanese rebels and
force them out of its territories. He gave the regime until the end of
the current Month of December 2016 to act or else face the military
might of the Sudanese Army.

In response, President Kiir summoned Malek Agar, the Commander in
Chief and Chairman of SPLM/A-N and gave him orders to that effect. But
Agar downplayed the President’s orders and walked away.

Kuol Manyang Juuk, the Minister of Defense after meeting the US
special envoy to Sudan and South Sudan, Donald Booth, said he would
fight the Sudanese rebels if they refused to leave the country.

The question is: Will the regime risk fighting its allied forces while
at the same time fighting the Opposition forces? If not, will it
succumb to the mounting pressures of the realities on the ground and
reinstate Dr. Riek Machar to his position and revive the peace
agreement?

In the event that the regime chooses the first option as the defense
Minister Juuk would want it to be, then it would be putting its combat
capability on line.

Battling their former allies will certainly contribute to further
decline of their military capacity and shift the balance in favour of
the Opposition forces groups.

One would assume that the Sudanese rebels would not voluntarily march
to their death without a fight after all the sacrifices they made in
order for the regime to cling to power. As a consequence, Juba would
lose its control over many parts of the country as the ethno-political
war continues between communities allied to the main warring rivals.

The international community appears to take at face value what the
regime in Juba tells them. The truth is, the war in South Sudan took a
dramatic turn from initially being a political power struggle within
the ruling party, to ethno-political conflict.

Prompted by losing parts of their lands as a result of President
Kiir’s decree #34/2015 which further divided the country into 28
tribal States, and coupled with systematic settlement of the Dinka
nomadic tribes in community’s land of Greater Equatoria, many rebel
groups sprang up and the waves of rebellion kept on growing.

These groups — The Chollo, The Equatorians, The Fertit and most
recently The Murle— all formed a loose alliance with the SPLM/A–IO
which is predominantly Nuer.

These groups are now fighting against the government and its allied
militia (Mathiang Anyoor & Padang dinka). It is unfortunate that the
regime continues to mislead the world by calling them bandits and
persistently continues to use its military machine against the unarmed
communities which it blamed for supporting these groups.

The second option: Is the most viable option if the government wanted
to see peace return to the country. But it must equally be prepared
for all that comes with it, which means making compromises for the
sake of peace.

The return of Dr. Riek Machar as the recognized Opposition leader in
the Peace Process means uniting the other rebel groups allied to
SPLM/A–IO under one chain of command and hence stopping the current
raging war and looming genocide.

It means resuscitating the peace agreement and opening it up to
incorporate the concerns of other rebel groups who rebelled following
July 8th Juba J1 Incident.

It means reinstatement of Dr. Riek to his former position as the 1st
Vice President and subsequently his new Ministers.

With the peace agreement revived and the TGNU in place, a responsible
and meaningful dialogue could be arranged with SPLM/A–N rebels aimed
at finding peaceful means to the conflict with the Sudan Government
and concluding mutual agreement that would be witnessed by South Sudan
Government.

It is now up to the government to choose the path it deems feasible to
salvage the country from total collapse and anarchy. The situation
across the country is worsening and calls for an urgent intervention.

If the country’s leadership still lacks the political will then the
UNSC must exercise it obligation and place South Sudan under UN
Trusteeship but not just sit by and watch genocide being committed
which has actually begun in some parts of the country. END
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