How To Achieve Peace In Shortest Time Possible In S. Sudan

"Direct political engagement by TGONU with “estranged” political forces
would ensure no more feelings of political exclusion. A return to the
political dialogue table will enable commitment or rededication to ARCISS
and TGONU by all parties."

11 February 2017       South Sudan: Restoring Peace Short-Term

Thursday, February 09, 2017

By Machien Luoi*

Restoring peace in South Sudan has been and remains a daunting task. In the
middle of December 2016, President Salva Kiir launched a National Dialogue.
It is a great gesture from the man at the helm.

Yet starting with National Dialogue is like putting a cart before the
horse. Applied in the current context of political and economic volatility,
National Dialogue as envisaged may yield no tangible results to the dismay
of the President and bewilderment of its backers.  For a meaningful
National Dialogue to have currency, appeal and taste, guns have to go
silent first; inclusive political dialogue to recommit “estrange” political
forces as Festus Mogae call them, to Agreement on the Resolution of
Conflict in South Sudan (ARCISS) and Transitional Government of National
Unity (TGONU); and TROIKA, AU and IGAD to recommit resources and efforts.

The President envisages a “forum and process” to galvanize South Sudanese
to “redefine the basis of their unity” in the National Dialogue. As a
“bottom-up approach,” it would commence at grass-roots and wrap up with a
national conference (which would settle contentious matters unresolved at
previous stages).

As a forum – National Dialogue would serve as platform for open
deliberations of painful matters and to facilitate forgiveness for
erroneous atrocities and mistakes committed. As a process- it would take
the form of consultations - probably with carefully identified participants
involved at varying levels.

Complimentary duty “to do peace rallies in Juba and across the country to
educate people about peace and Unity” is designated to Presidency, while
South Sudan Council of Churches (SSCC) and Think Tank groups such as Ebony
Center, Juba University’s Center for Peace and Development and Sudd
Institute would design the forms and shapes the National Dialogue will take.

Hitherto, much needed details of the envisioned National Dialogue remains
obscured, the devil in the details is at large and therefore inspiring
queries for possible assumptions made by its architects. Is it assumed
South Sudanese are tired of war, therefore willing to dialogue to end the
conflict freely? Is it surmised that grass-roots (communities) are
accessible, thus conducting dialogues in remote places would be easy ride
or possibility? Is it acceptable that four months of nationwide dialogue
engagement would help South Sudanese take a detour to peace, just like that?

Has it been supposed that SSCC and Think Tank groups have the capacity and
influence at grass-roots, therefore will be welcomed custodians or peace
messengers by citizens? Is it held that the holding-out political forces
will take National Dialogue as opportunity to relevance than reject it? Is
it assumed that political elements holding out of ARCISS and TGONU will
lose their political constituencies should they not respond to the
President’s National Dialogue initiative?

Shall the initiative be fully funded and logistically supported to reach
all South Sudanese? Is the National Dialogue going to cover IDPs and
refugees despite them staying away from their homes?

Gauged with reality of South Sudan today, irrefutable answers to above
questions would point to the fact that National Dialogue as visualized by
the President is impossible under the existing political context.

Consequently, TGONU and “estranged” political forces (ones that are not
taking part in TGONU) should convene a new roadmap to recommit to terms of
ceasefire signed on 23 January 2014 and Cessation of Hostilities Agreement
embedded in the ARCISS.

Festus Mogae, Chairman of the Joint Monitoring and Evaluation Commission
(JMEC), acknowledged that security situation has escalated in Equatorias,
Upper Nile and Unity since November 2016 (08 Feb 2017 – Reports by Eye
Radio and Radio Tamazuj). Other parts of the country are not spared too.

It is a high possibility that the state of insecurity will continue in
those regions. With that in mind, recommitment to previously agreed terms
of ceasefire would silence guns and create obligation and respect for
ceasefire by all parties. This is the first step in restoring peace.

Direct political engagement by TGONU with “estranged” political forces
would ensure no more feelings of political exclusion. A return to the
political dialogue table will enable commitment or rededication to ARCISS
and TGONU by all parties.

In Wau, David Shearer the head of UNMISS in South Sudan, recognized the
need for inclusive dialogue, but underscored that National Dialogue “will
not bring warring parties together,” (07 Feb 2017 – Radio Tamazuj Report).

JMEC’s Festus Mogae concurred with Mr. Shearer by conceding that “for
dialogue to have real meaning and effect, it must include more than those
who already agree with the government and take account of all views and
concerns,” (08 Feb 2017 – Radio Tamazuj Report).

So, a political dialogue for all political forces is necessary to restore
peace in the short-term. This second step is important in refurbishing
peace, because feelings of political exclusion drive those who are fighting
against government.

TROIKA, AU and IGAD (notwithstanding IGAD countries’ current desires to
exploit South Sudan’s sorry conflict state to their parochial selfish
interests) have been key players at resolving Sudan and these days, South
Sudan conflicts. TROIKA’s finance might and influence, and AU’s galvanizing
character in trying to find “African solutions to African problems”, will
help parties resolve political differences.

There has been much talk about inclusive dialogues or recommitment to
ARCISS without concrete steps to achieving what is being said by AU, UN and
IGAD. As expressed in a letter to AU by 60 African Civil Society
organizations recently, “worthy intentions bear no value if they are not
followed by genuine action commitment.”

Nevertheless, should recommitment to ceasefire agreement of the 23 January
2014, faith in ARCISS (by signatories who are “estranged”) and pledge by
TROIKA, AU and IGAD to support the first and second steps succeed, peace
will be restored in the short-term. After these, security situation will
drastically improve; access to grass-roots will be possible; participation
of all tribes would be guaranteed to some extend; and economy may improve.

A ground will have been laid for the President Kiir’s National Dialogue to
commence as a long-term mechanism for stability and unity. Should the
Short-Term steps for restoration of peace be forfeited, President’s
National Dialogue may as well follow. Civil strife, fear and feelings of
disenfranchisement will engulf South Sudan’s land escape.

As Geoff Mulgan wrote in the Book, Good and Bad Power, “hatred ratchet up
in the heat of battle and turn limited engagements into unlimited
disasters. Sensible goals succumb to tangled messes. This is why wise
leaders treat war as a last resort, and if necessary divert the pressures
for war rather than welcoming them.”

The author is a South Sudanese and can be reached at [email protected]
.

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