Analyzing Rape as Weapon of War in South Sudan’s Conflict
Jun. 09 National, Uncategorized no comments     

By: Mabor Maker Dhelbeny, South Sudan, JUN/09/2017, SSN;

As the conflict of South Sudan erupted in 2013, some men in uniforms
used rape as weapon of war. In law, such people are called sexual
offenders or perpetrators. These perpetrators used rape as weapon of
war in the sense that both women and men are being raped during the
conflict.

Rapists are fond to rape women and girls without remorse in fomenting
the war. Thousands of South Sudanese Refugees fleeing conflict to
neighbouring countries of Ethiopia, Kenya and Uganda, have also
experienced the risk of being raped on their way.

With glimpse of hope thereafter three (3) years of the fighting, the
Agreement on the Resolution of Conflict in South Sudan (ARCISS) was
signed in August, 2015. Unfortunately, exactly after three (3) months
with the presence of SPLM/A-IO forces in Juba, fighting recurred at
the Presidential Palace popularly known as J1, on the 8th of July,
2016.

This was the fighting that spread to Equatoria region in which rape
was used by all sides to the conflict to destabilize communities in
the country. Some residents in one of the Juba’s hotels terribly
suffered the ordeal of rape as reported by some media outlets during
the fighting.

For instance, “five women working with humanitarian organizations were
then raped”, Michael Woodward, the Manager of Terrain Hotel told The
Dawn Newspaper during opening of the SPLA General Court Martial.

The above-mentioned statement have been confirmed by the Military
Prosecutor Col. Abubaker Mohamed Ramadan when he said: “There were a
lot of investigations … and crimes found are crimes of murder, raping,
looting and damaging properties inside [Terrain] hotel (See The Dawn
Newspaper, page 1 to 3, published on Wednesday 31st May, 2017).

Of course rape is a form of sexual violence, used as weapon of war by
some armed men in uniforms with the aim to destabilize communities, to
spread terror, and to tarnish image of the government in the eye of
international community.

Sexual violence however, can profoundly affect the social well-being
of victims and individuals may be stigmatized and ostracized by their
families or communities as a consequence. This demonstrates that the
victims of rape, particularly women and girls may suffer depression,
anxiety, loss of social competence, body image concerns, and isolation
within the family or community.

Other impacts include unwanted pregnancies and risk of infection with
sexually transmitted diseases such as gonorrhea, syphilis and
HIV/AIDs. Through sexual violence deaths may ensue as a result of
suicide, HIV/AIDs infection or murder which occurred during sexual
assault.

This is because the acts of rape are often associated with beating,
stabbing or cutting on the victims with sticks and knives
respectively. In some countries with armed conflicts – for example in
Rwanda and DRC, rape has been used as a deliberate strategy to subvert
community bond and to impose ethnic cleansing.

Hence, this might be the hidden agenda behind with the some soldiers,
turned rapists and who would want to use rape as tool of ethnic
cleansing. In absence of accurate figures collected on the number of
victims raped in the areas affected by the conflict, this writer
suggests that the human rights organisations should assess the number
through reports in hospitals or health care centres.

I guess the number of raped victims could not go beyond one hundred if
compare to DRC’s records. On the 12th June 2006, the Military Court
convicted and sentenced seven (7) combatants to life imprisonment for
the mass rape of more than one hundred women and girls in Northern
part of DRC since December, 2003.

Internationally, the treaty of the Fourth Geneva Convention, 1949 and
its Additional Protocol, 1977 prohibit the use of rape and other forms
of sexual violence against women in wartime. It was not late until the
war in the former Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide occurred in
early 1990s, the issue of rape and other forms of sexual violence were
placed on the table as the international humanitarian agenda.

This prompted the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to promulgate
the formation of the two tribunals – i.e. International Criminal
Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTFY) and International Criminal
Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR).

In the midst of 1990s, the UNSC resolved that rape and other forms of
sexual violence must be included in the mandate of ICTFY and ICTR so
that to prosecute the perpetrators accused and charged with war crimes
and crimes against humanity.

Legally speaking, rape and other forms of sexual violence such as
sexual assault, forced marriage and prostitution have already been
identified as crimes against humanity in human rights and
international laws.

In accordance with our domestic laws, rape is one of the sexual
offences with maximum penalty of fourteen years. For instance, section
247 (1) of The Penal Code Act, 2008, provides that: “Whoever has
sexual intercourse or carnal intercourse with another person, against
his or her will or without his or her consent, commits the offence of
rape, and upon conviction, shall be sentenced to imprisonment for a
term not exceeding fourteen years and may also be liable to a fine”.

Exceptional under the provisions of South Sudanese penal law is that
“sexual intercourse by a married couple is not rape within the meaning
of section 247, subsection 3 of The Penal Code Act, 2008”. In other
words, a husband does not rape his wife.

But this subsection of the above does not provide any condition to the
married couple, just like any other laws from different countries in
the world. For instance, in India the penal law provides that “sexual
intercourse by a man with his wife, the wife not being under 15 years
of age, is not rape”.

It seems the legislature might have enacted the South Sudan penal law
without providing the number of years, simply because of our customs
and traditional norms, considered to be the basis of our marriages.

This, however, is considered to be an exceptional reason and the sole
purpose of the law. Unlike the South Sudan Penal Code Act, 2008, the
United Kingdom Sexual Offences Act, 2003, provides that any sexual
intercourse between a husband and his wife without her consent is a
rape. See R vs. R (1993) 1 AC, 599, in which a husband was convicted
for raping his wife. In the Sudan, if a husband has sexual intercourse
with his own wife who has not attained puberty, it is considered as
rape as mentioned in the case below.

This has been established in the case of Sudan Government vs. Sayeed
Mohamed Mazin and Another (1963), SLJR, where the Major Court for
Confirmation held that: “Sexual intercourse by a husband with his own
wife is rape if she has not attained puberty under section 316 of The
Penal Code.”

Therefore any ravishment of a woman without her consent or against her
will, either by force or fraud is defined as rape. In Dinka (Jieng)
language, the word “rape” is called “Yuet” or “Makpiny”. These two
terms have different connotations.

The former which means “knock down” involve force with which a young
man used to have sexual intercourse with a woman or a girl against her
will and without her consent while the latter happens when a man has
sexual intercourse with a sleeping woman or girl at night without her
consent. Such act is often common in rural areas with pastoralist
young men.

Traditionally, and as a culture, young men usually go in search for
the place to sleep during the night hours. They would be allowed by
parents to share the same mats with menstruated girls during sleeping
hours at night in the same room. But as Arabs say, “night covers
mountains”, so a young man may satisfy his lust with a girl at night
in the same room or house.

This demonstrates that rape is not a criminal sexual offence under the
Dinka Customary Law in South Sudan. Customarily, this can be construed
that local courts administered by the chiefs are more compensatory
than punitive, compared to statutory courts.

Under the statutory courts, crimes like rape or ‘yuet or mekpiny’ and
etc.. are usually handled by the State.

A man is said to have raped by having sexual intercourse with a woman
under certain circumstances which fall under any of the four steps
mentioned below:
First, against her will.
Second, without her consent.
Third, with her consent obtained by putting her in fear of death.
Fourth, with or without her consent when she is under age.

This writer therefore recommends the following:
(1) Victims of rape should be given access to psycho-social support so
as to overcome the traumas suffered.
(2) Victims should be provided with adequate medical and clinical
services comprising with treatment and management care of pregnancy,
sexually transmitted diseases such as HIV/AIDs.
(3) Victims should also be guaranteed refuge and shelter such as POCs
(Protection of Civilians) site in order to protect them from
reprisals.
(4) Legal aid should be provided freely to make victims able to
prosecute the accused persons who have raped them.
(5) Finally, the Transitional Government of National Unity (TGNU)
should allow the establishment of South Sudan Hybrid Court (SSHC) with
mandate to prosecute the perpetrators accused of war crimes and crimes
against humanity such as rape, and other forms of sexual violence
against women.

In conclusion, rape of women and of men in my view would therefore
amount as the used of weapon of war that forms part of attack on the
enemy, typifying the conquest and degradation of captivities.

Analytically, rape is often used as weapon of war to punish women for
transgressing social or moral codes in the community, especially those
living in the conflict affected areas.

Briefly, it’s used as weapon of war to subvert community bond and as a
tool for the imposition of ethnic cleansing.

The Writer is Advocate & Legal Consultant, practicing law at Juba Law
Chambers in Juba. He can be reached via his email address:
[email protected] or dial +211(0)954

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