The African trade revolution quietly afoot

By David Luke
July 14, 2017
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In a tumultuous year for the global trading landscape, negotiations
for a huge Africa-wide free trade area are progressing rapidly.
Transporting goods in Uganda. Credit: Robert Lutz.

Transporting goods in Uganda. Credit: Robert Lutz.

Across the developed world, longstanding advocates of free trade are
in retreat. America has withdrawn from the Trans-Pacific Partnership
trade agreement and stepped back from the World Trade Organisation.
Meanwhile, a crisis is brewing at the heart of the European single
market.

Recognition has grown that the inequalities generated by trade are not
being sufficiently addressed. And this has fuelled an anti-trade
populism.

Noting these tumultuous trends, international institutions from the
OECD to the International Monetary Fund and G20 have sought to
reaffirm the benefits of trade and argued against protectionism.

[Growth, Trump, and debt in Africa: Key economic trends to watch in 2017]
A quiet revolution

Set against this uproar, an African trade revolution is also quietly
afoot. The innovation is the Continental Free Trade Area (CFTA). A
boldly ambitious endeavour, the CFTA seeks to combine the economies of
55 African states under a pan-African free trade area comprising 1.2
billion people in a market with a combined GDP of $2.19 trillion.

Announced in 2012 by the African Union (AU) heads of state and
government, the CFTA is the first flagship initiative of the AU’s
Agenda 2063. It will reduce tariffs between African countries,
introduce mechanisms to address the often more substantial non-tariff
barriers, liberalise service sectors, and facilitate cross-border
trade. This will also help rationalise the overlapping free trade
areas that already exist within Africa.

The CFTA negotiations are complex. The 55 participating countries span
a diversity of economic and geographic configurations. 15 are
landlocked, while 6 are Small Island Developing States (SIDS). The
biggest (Nigeria) has a GDP of $568 billion, while the smallest (Sao
Tome & Principe) a GDP of just $337 million.

[Carlos Lopes: To industrialise, Africa needs strong but smart states]
Rapid progress

Many outside observers have been quick to cast pessimism upon the
project. This is not just because of the challenging world trade
environment and complexity of negotiations, but Africa’s history of
trade negotiations.

In particular, the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) between the
European Union and African regional economic communities have proved
an infamous failure. Despite 14 years of negotiations, only one EPA –
that with Southern Africa – has been concluded.

With expectations low, the rapid progress in the CFTA negotiations is
therefore all the more remarkable. The first negotiating forum was
launched in February 2016. Since then, five more negotiating rounds
have been concluded.

The most recent, held in Niger, determined modalities for trade in
goods and services. It also pronounced a level of ambition to
liberalise 90% of tariff lines – substantially more than aspired to in
the EPAs – and establish a review mechanism to gradually lift this
further.

The remainder of 2017 will see technical working group meetings and
two more negotiating rounds to refine market access offers and the
legal text of the agreement. The intention is to finish negotiations
by the end of this year.

One African chief negotiator commenting at the last negotiating round
remarked that he had “never seen negotiations move so rapidly”.
Boosting intra-African trade

These impressive achievements are being realised by political
commitment at the highest level and a pan-African resolve to cooperate
and compromise. Pan-Africanist forefathers like Kwame Nkrumah would be
proud.

Success also derives from a shared belief in the project. Studies by
the UN Economic Commission for Africa and UNCTAD identify the
potential for the CFTA to boost intra-African trade. This would help
diversify Africa’s exports away from a dependence on commodities that
is little changed since colonial times.

Intra-African trade is substantially more diversified than Africa’s
trade with the outside world. It comprises a greater share of
value-added and industrial products such as textiles, cement, soap,
pharmaceuticals, and even automobiles from South Africa as well as
primary and processed food items. Services such as banking, telecoms,
energy and transport are also being traded across borders. The CFTA
forms part of an African strategy for industrialising through trade.

Source: CEPI-BACI Trade Dataset, three year average (2012-14).

It could also help piece together Africa’s small fragmented markets to
realise economies of scale necessary for industrial investment and
growth. Niger’s President Issoufou Mahamadou, the African Union
Champion for the CFTA, recently lamented looking upon a map of Africa
as a “broken mirror”. The CFTA can help to fix this.
Making it a win-win

The CFTA, however, is no panacea. It must be accompanied by
investments in infrastructure, energy and trade facilitation.

This is critical if sufficient jobs are to be created for Africa’s
youth. 60% of Africa’s population is 24 or below and about to enter
the workforce. Yet a shortage of opportunities contributes to high
youth unemployment, poverty rates approaching 70%, and pressures to
migrate.

It is also important not to overlook the origins of populist sentiment
against free trade elsewhere in the world. Trade produces both winners
and losers. The problem is that while gains can compensate losses in
theory, that is not happening in practice.

Recognition of this has fuelled rethinking of trade policy across the
world. For instance, the Canada-European Union trade agreement (CETA)
was reworked following the election of the Trudeau administration to
better reflect a new “progressive trade policy”.

The CFTA must likewise be crafted as a win-win agreement that leaves
no one behind. Here, the UN Economic Commission for Africa has
undertaken a human rights impact assessment of the initiative and
advocated for a number of supporting measures.

This includes strategies to protect small-holder farmers and help them
integrate into regional agricultural value chains. It calls for
improving border controls to help informal cross-border traders, many
of whom are women and major players in intra-African trade.

It also demands an approach that benefits Africa’s diversity of
countries, including those which are small, island economies,
landlocked or fragile states. One way to achieve this is by supporting
initiatives for regional value chains and connectivity that have
proven successful in Africa’s regional economic communities.
Light at the end of the tunnel

Light shines at the end of the tunnel for the CFTA, but obstacles
remain. Implementation is a key but persistent challenge on the
continent. To quote Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, former Chairperson of the
AU Commission, “I don’t think Africa is short of policies. We have to
implement. That is where the problem is”.

The commitment and belief shown in the CFTA by African leaders must be
seen through for the benefits of the CFTA to be realised.

The reward would appear to be worth it. Africa’s consumer market is
the fastest growing in the world.  In just over 30 years from now, by
2050, it will comprise a population larger than that of India and
China combined. This is the right time to seize the opportunities
generated by such a large market.

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