Whatever happened to East Africa’s oil boom?
By Luke Patey <http://africanarguments.org/author/luke-patey/>
August 23, 2017
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*Politics has been central to the progress, or lack thereof, in developing
East Africa’s oil. And it will continue to be.*
[image: Delays and disagreements have slowed down the extraction and
exportation of new oil discoveries in Kenya and Uganda.]

Delays and disagreements have slowed down the extraction and exportation of
new oil discoveries in Kenya and Uganda.

It was not long ago that East Africa was the shining frontier of the
continent’s oil scene. Uganda
<http://africanarguments.org/category/country/east/uganda/> sparked the
rush in 2006 after wildcatters ventured deep inland and made Africa’s
largest onshore discoveries in decades. And Kenya’s
<http://africanarguments.org/category/country/east/kenya/> north­western
Turkana region continued the run with new oilfields found in 2012.

With crude prices averag­ing almost $112 per barrel at that time, it was
hoped these fresh discoveries could be linked up with a new regional
pipeline network stretching from South Sudan
<http://africanarguments.org/category/country/east/south-sudan/> to the
coast. It was believed that oil could economically transform the East
African region.

Yet a decade on, little progress has been made on the pipeline, while
Uganda and Ken­ya’s oil remains trapped far from interna­tional markets.

Security risks have hindered developments, while the steep drop in crude
prices from late-2014 has slowed things down. However, politics – both
domestic and regional – have also been central to the delays.

[*Africa’s oil boom goes bust*
<http://africanarguments.org/2015/09/24/africas-oil-boom-goes-bust-2/>]
*Domestic politics* Uganda

In Uganda, where government estimates suggest reserves of 6.5 billion
barrels, a consensus has now been reached to develop an export pipeline by
the early-2020s . But this has only come after various disagreements
deferred developments.

It took years, for example, for Presi­dent Yoweri Museveni to back down
from his original idea of meeting East Africa’s petroleum needs through a
large-scale oil refinery. This was widely regarded as an uneco­nomic
proposition and a smaller-scale option has now been accepted.

Progress was also stalled by a series of drawn out tax disputes in Ugandan
and London courts. However, it was Museveni’s hard bargaining with
international oil companies over the terms of production licenses that
brought things to a crawl, with the two sides finally reaching an agreement
in August 2016.

To his credit, Museveni has provided Uganda with a relatively favourable
deal. But it came at the cost of delaying oil production for several years.

[*Museveni says he’s “not excited” about Uganda’s oil. Is anyone anymore?*
<http://africanarguments.org/2016/12/07/museveni-says-hes-not-excited-about-ugandas-oil-is-anyone-anymore/>
]
Kenya

In Kenya, after much fanfare following its first oil discovery, there have
only been mar­ginal exploration gains of late. Estimates of recoverable oil
in the South Lokichar Basin of the Turkana region have now risen to 750
million barrels according to operator Tullow.

Nevertheless, low-cost onshore oil continues to draw in big players from
the global energy industry. Just this week, the French oil major Total
entered the scene after acquiring Maersk Oil and Gas, along with its Kenyan
assets. Alongside partners Tullow and Africa Oil, it will look to bring
Kenyan oil to international markets.

However, an unhealthy relationship between local and national politicians
could present an impedi­ment to production. This was most recently
demonstrated in the August 2017 elections. During the campaign, President
Uhuru Kenyatta sparred with Turkana governor Joseph Nanok over the
president’s refusal to sign a bill that would grant the county a high share
of oil revenues.

Turkana been neglected by Nairobi for decades, and local politicians are
now wrestling to control new resources brought in by oil develop­ment. This
led to a suspension of oper­ations for several weeks in 2013 due to local
protect, and again in June this year as locals blocked roads and seized oil
company assets.

In Turkana, grievances over a lack of jobs and development will not go away
because the election season is over. Kenyatta will need to work towards a
compromise with county politicians and local communities if the industry is
to make further progress.
South Sudan

Since its separation from Sudan in July 2011, South Sudan’s oil industry
has been severely undermined by political interven­tion and armed conflict.
Oil production was around 350,000 barrels per day around the time of
independence, but only 130,000 barrels per day in early-2017, accord­ing to
government officials.

The government has ambitious plans to more than double the current
produc­tion rate, but South Sudan needs a significant period of internal
stability before oil companies will be willing to take the risk to invest
in revitalising its aging oilfields. Without investments in enhanced oil
recovery or significant new discoveries, output from South Sudan’s current
oilfields will not reach pre-civil war highs again.

The best prospects for new oil are in Jonglei state. But the large,
isolated and unstable region is hardly a desirable destination for
low-cost, risk-free exploration. Total has been flirting with exploring
there for decades. It was recently in fresh talks with the government,
along­side partners Tullow Oil and the Kuwait Foreign Petroleum Exploration
Company (KUFPEC), but negotia­tions broke down in April.
*Regional tensions * Uganda

Beyond ongoing domestic challenges, regional relations have also emerged as
a complex challenge. In landlocked Uganda, this has centred on whether to
opt for a pipeline to the coast through Kenya – via Turkana’s oil reserves
– or through Tanzania.

It was only after years of wrangling with the former that Uganda recently
announced construction would soon start on a pipeline through the latter.
The plan is that the estimated $3.9 billion, 1,443km pipeline will run from
Lake Albert down the western edge of Lake Victoria and to the Tanzanian
port at Tanga.

If the decision holds, it means that East Africa may eventually have to
construct two separate pipelines. Uganda could have saved the region costs
by joining up with Kenya’s pipeline, but it was concerned about security
and delays from land disputes in Kenya’s restive north. Kampala was also
keen to avoid over-dependence on Nairobi as its dominant trade gateway.

In its bid, Tanzania offered to lower tariffs on the pipeline to
competitive rates. It presented a more feasible timetable, fewer land
acquisition constraints, and lower security risks.

However, this option will not necessarily be problem free. Over the 30-40
year lifespan of the oil production, politics in both countries will
certainly shift, and Tanzania could take advantage of its position as
Uganda’s only transit route.

The wildcard in the region’s pipeline politics will be whether Total –
given its recent entry into Kenya and majority stakes in Uganda – revives
the idea of building a pipeline from Lake Albert to the Kenyan coast, and
ditching Tanzania altogether.
Kenya

Depending on how this pans out, Kenya may still need to go it alone in
building its own pipeline. President Kenyatta says a route from Turkana to
Lamu will spur development in the marginalised region and that new economic
opportunities will dampen security con­cerns. However, others fear that
political elites are looking to further enrich themselves through land
grabs in the north.

In any case, the persistence of lower global oil prices means that, in
absence of a new deal with Uganda on a regional pipeline, Kenya will likely
need to discover more oil if investors are to see financing a Kenya-only
pipeline as a fruitful ven­ture.
South Sudan

South Sudan may have attained political freedom in 2011, but it is still
dependent on a pipeline through Sudan to export oil, the government’s main
source of rev­enue.

A deal was struck late last year to extend the arrangement between Juba and
Khartoum until the end of 2019. The agreement includes a sliding scale for
transit fees, which will help ensure that South Sudan does not run a loss
when global prices are low.

However, the political relationship between the two Sudans is anything but
stable, as the short border war in 2012 demonstrated. Khar­toum may attempt
to extract new political and economic concessions from South Sudan when the
current agreement expires.
[image: Source: Petroleum Economist]

Source: Petroleum Economist
*It’s the politics*

After years of domestic and regional political wrangling, some progress may
be being made in terms of extracting and exporting East African oil. But
many disputes are yet to be resolved, while others may still heighten
uncertainties.

The undefined and porous borders across Africa, for instance, could lead to
further quarrels. Uganda’s exploration on the borer of Lake Albert is
already being protested by the Democratic Republic of Congo. Meanwhile,
Kenya’s push for maritime exploration in the Indian Ocean is being
contested by Somalia.

The implementation of international rulings on disputes elsewhere in Africa
– for example, between Nigeria and Cameroon – could set important
precedents in solving such border disagreements.

Over a decade on from the initial discoveries, East Africa’s oil is still
yet to deliver on its promises. There have been many factors behind the
delays, but many have been caused by domestic and regional politics, both
of which will continue to be central in determining the success of new
growth opportunities.

*A version of this article was originally published in the **Petroleum
Economist*
<http://www.petroleum-economist.com/articles/politics-economics/africa/2017/east-africa-can-we-talk>
.

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