UNDER a *bodhi *tree, their brightly coloured saris draped over their
heads, some 500 women brave the

midday heat just outside the pretty and rather prosperous village of
Dhinkia. Just a few hundred metres

of rolling sand dunes from the sea, Dhinkia, in the eastern Indian state of
Odisha (formerly Orissa) is a

hub of protest. The women, one from every village family, are staging the
village’s daily *dharna*, a sit-in.

Sisir Mohapatra, a former *sarpanch *or village head, makes a rousing
speech. He seems respected,

though his police record would suggest he is a mafia don: he says he faces
35 criminal charges, and of

his 60-strong extended family in Dhinkia, 40 are also wanted by the law.
They claim that the charges are

all trumped up. Their real crime is to oppose the biggest single
foreign-investment project India has ever

attracted.

Estimated to cost $12 billion, the project, promoted by POSCO, a South
Korean firm, is eventually to

produce 12m tonnes of steel a year for export. It will have its own power
plant, port and, 200 kilometres

(125 miles) inland, its own iron-ore mine. Since an agreement on the
project was signed in 2005, it has

been mired in controversy—a case study in why investing in India is so hard.

Environmentalists worry about air pollution, coastal erosion, the
endangered olive ridley turtle and

much else. Many, including the Communist Party of India (CPI), which holds
the local parliamentary seat,

complain that the ore will be sold too cheaply, at a royalty to the
government of just 27 rupees

(currently about 40 cents) a tonne. Meanwhile, residents of Dhinkia and
nearby villages fear for their

livelihoods.

So the project has been delayed, probed by countless committees and
subjected to repeated litigation.

Just this week it faced hearings in Delhi at the National Green Tribunal,
an environmental court. But as

so often in India, one of the biggest delays has been acquiring the land.
In theory, this should be easier

for POSCO than for many other investors, since most of the 1,600 hectares
(4,000 acres) it needs are

designated as forest (even the scrubby sand dunes) and thus government land.

The residents of Dhinkia, however, claim legal rights as people whose
families have been making their

living from the forest for at least 75 years (which the government
disputes). Some, indeed, make a very

good living. Devendra Swain, like many villages, maintains betel vines,
from which he earns 50,000

rupees a month selling the leaves. Mr Swain also grows rice, mangoes,
cashew nuts, bananas and

papaya. He claims not to be against industrialisation—except in his fecund
backyard.

The villagers’ resistance to the project has seen ugly violence. In 2010
police fired rubber bullets to clear

one *dharna*. In February there was another clash as police entered a
neighbouring village, Govindpur,

and started dismantling betel vines. In March three people died in a bomb
explosion—victims of proproject

goons, say the villagers. The police allege the victims were blown up while
making bombs

themselves. Involvement in this incident is one of 61 charges facing the
CPI’s Abhay Sahoo, the

protesters’ leader, who is now in jail for the third time and trying to
secure his release on bail. Fearing

arrest or an attack by thugs, the 1,400 others in Dhinkia facing criminal
charges dare not leave the

village.

Of India’s million mutinies, many involve the emotive issue of land. That
is one impulse behind a new

law covering land acquisition and the resettlement and rehabilitation of
those affected. This week it

passed through Parliament’s upper house. Few disagree that some new
legislation is needed to replace

a much-abused British-era law from 1894.

The new bill, however, has drawn fierce criticism. Business is predictably
aghast at what it sees as a

populist law timed ahead of looming elections. It fears the law will push
up costs by setting a high price

for land (four times the market value in the countryside, twice in towns),
and that it will cause delays—

for example, by setting a high threshold (70-80%) for the percentage of
landowners whose consent must

be obtained. Research by Standard Chartered Bank estimates that the process
will typically take four or

five years, compared with 18 months to two years under the current law.
Some businessmen think it is

simply “unworkable”.

Even some who support the principles behind the bill think their
implementation has been botched. N.C.

Saxena, a former senior civil servant who sits on a National Advisory
Council that tends to act as the

social (or perhaps socialist) conscience of the ruling Congress party, says
it is “anti-farmer and antiindustry

and pro-civil society and pro-bureaucracy”. One of Mr Saxena’s criticisms
is that it does not

even cover government land. In other words, it would have no relevance for
projects such as POSCO’s.

Even if it did, legislation would not solve the fundamental difficulty, a
total distrust of government.

“After 66 years of independence,” says Mr Mohapatra, the former *sarpanch*,
“no one has ever been

compensated properly. Whoever gave his land and his home later became a
beggar.”

Won’t get fooled again

He points to what he says is the unhappy lot of those displaced by two
other projects in Odisha. One is

the Hirakud dam across the Mahanadi river. It is India’s longest dam, for
which Jawaharlal Nehru poured

the first concrete in 1948. As many as 180,000 people had to move. Another
is just down the road from

Dhinkia, where a big oil refinery has been under construction since 2000.
An empty field outside Dhinkia

has drains and electricity, put in when plots were offered as compensation
to those forced to shift.

People found it so unappealing that the field is still empty. Moreover, 52
families who supported the

POSCO project, many forced out of Govindpur in 2008, are still in
reportedly miserable conditions in a

transit camp. Add in heavy-handed police, and those agitating against the
project have plenty of

ammunition. Even the best-drafted law would find the going tough.

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