September 4, 2001

Mr. Tom Hundley
Chicago Tribune
435 N. Michigan Avenue
Chicago IL 60611

Mr. Hundley,

Are you not permitted to write the truth? You are repeating stories of
the president who lied to us: "there is no improper sexual relationship
with that woman."

W. Clinton also thanked Mr. Pelley of CBS TV (January 1999 - before
Columbine) for reminding him of the "massacre" at Racak.

Then, Mr. Hundley, you echo the shill Scott Pelley (CBS TV News), who,
in a White House "press conference" in January 1999, as part of the
propaganda build-up to the US undeclared war against a small country,
lobbed an easy ball to the man that Monica looked up to, "asking" him
about the "massacre" at Racak.

This had been so-termed by Ambassador Walker who knows a massacre when
he perpetrates one, as in the murders he oversaw of Jesuit priests in El
Salvador, when he was US Ambassador there...

You foster yet another hoax:  " 'Operation Horseshoe'. ... The police
.even more than the army, were responsible for executing Operation
Horseshoe, Milosevic's plan to 'cleanse' Kosovo of ethnic Albanians."
(Copyright C 2001, Chicago Tribune)

Mr. Hundley, life must be hard, having to lie for your daily bread.

Professor J. P. Maher


Attachments on the Racak Hoax and Germany's hoax about Plan "Potkova"
(Horseshoe in Croatian)

About Operation Horseshoe Ben Works. SIRIUS
As to Operation Horseshoe, The Sunday Times of London reported on April
2 that the whole thing was a propaganda tale, spun in haste by German
intelligence.  Here in America, Joseph DioGuardi, Bob Dole, President
Clinton and others quickly took up the lie to cover over what was an
increasingly lengthy war with no end in sight. Horseshoe helped sustain
the illusion until the Columbine High School massacre allowed the
administration to divert the media's attention away from the Kosovo mess
entirely. Here's part of what "The Times" reported on April 2:

"Horseshoe - or "Potkova", as the Germans said it was known in Belgrade
- became a staple of Nato briefings. It was presented as proof that
President Slobodan Milosevic of Yugoslavia had long planned the
expulsion of Albanians. James Rubin, the American state department
spokesman, cited it only last week to justify Nato's bombardment." All
those people were fleeing the bombs and it must have been deliberate
province wide cleansing, wasn't it? Heinz Loquai, a retired brigadier
general, explained in a new book that it was all made up.  The proof is
indicated by the fact that those who made it up mistakenly used the
Croat term for horseshoe, "potkova," rather than the Serb "potkovica."
Time after time, I have found, it is that extra little embellishment,
which liars cannot resist and which only "gilds the lily" that gives the
lie away."


 September 5, 2001.War tribunal seeks next batch
Serb president among the wanted

                   By Tom Hundley
                   Chicago Tribune foreign correspondent

BELGRADE, Yugoslavia -- Most people who have met Milan Milutinovic say
the Serbian president is a nice guy, not at all the war criminal type.

"Smooth, affable, beautifully dressed, at ease in the language and style
of international diplomacy," is how Richard Holbrooke, the veteran U.S.
envoy, describes him in his memoir of the Dayton accords.But when former
Yugoslav leader Slobodan Milosevic was indicted by the war crimes
tribunalin The Hague in May 1999, Milutinovic and three other senior
officials were named co-defendants. All are charged with war crimes and
crimes against humanity in the campaign of violence against ethnic
Albanians in Kosovo.

Milosevic was delivered to The Hague by authorities at the end of June.
The four others remain at large. Unlike Bosnian Serb wartime leader
Radovan Karadzic and his top general, Ratko Mladic, two other prominent
names on the Hague's most-wanted list, Milutinovic and his colleagues
have not gone into hiding. They live openly in Serbia.

Milutinovic serves in what is theoretically the most powerful political
post in Yugoslavia. The presidency of the Serbian Republic was
Milosevic's power base from 1989 until 1997. When Serbian Constitution
precluded him from seeking a third term, Milosevic adjusted the Yugoslav
Constitution so he could slide into the Yugoslav federal presidency--a
largely symbolic post, but for the needs of the dictator.

Milutinovic, who had served as Milosevic's foreign minister, moved into
the Serbian presidency, the he holds today. A recent telephone call to
his office resulted in a chat with a staffer who said that Milutinovic
was not iving interviews but that the president "still has a job, he
still gets correspondence and he still gets calls--just not as many as
before."  These days, the main rivals for political power in Yugoslavia
are Vojislav Kostunica, the federal president who defeated Milosevic in
elections a year ago, and Zoran Djindjic, the Serbian prime minister.
Both have an eye on Milutinovic's job.

Kostunica is interested in the Serbian presidency because if Montenegro,
the junior partner to Serbia in what remains of Yugoslavia, makes good
on its threat to leave the federation, there will not be a Yugoslavia
for Kostunica to govern. Opinion polls show Kostunica as heavy favorite
in any race for the Serbian presidency. Djindjic has effectively
consolidated political power in Serbia but remains unpopular with
voters. Because he could not defeat Kostunica in a head-to-head
election, he would like to find a way to give the job to an ally.  No
vote is planned until Montenegro decides its fate, and for now both men
find it politically convenient to let the compliant Milutinovic occupy
the office.

 "They've made a deal with him. They left him in office and he agreed to
become invisible. He signs whatever they tell him to sign," said Stojan
Cerovic, a political commentator in the weekly magazine Vreme.
`Immunity' seen

As Serbian president, Milutinovic could have blocked Milosevic's
extradition to The Hague. He didn't. Inreturn, Djindjic has taken the
position that Milutinovic, as Serbia's lawfully elected president,
enjoys "immunity" from the Hague indictment.

Carla Del Ponte, The Hague's chief prosecutor, disagrees. She was in
Belgrade on Tuesday, insisting there is no immunity for war crimes and
that Milutinovic and several other prominent figures must be extradited.

"It does not mean we are presently banging on the table demanding that
Milutinovic and the others bedelivered to The Hague immediately. But as
with any other indictee, they will have to be arrested transferred
here," said Jean-Jacques Joris, the prosecutor's adviser.

"In all fairness, the arrest and transfer of Slobodan Milosevic was a
good sign of cooperation, and we actively pressing the Yugoslav
authorities to resume that cooperation," Joris said But with Milosevic
behind bars, it seems that international pressure to bring the others to
justice has slackened. "When you've got No. 1, who cares about Nos. 2
and 3?" said Cerovic. "It's true, Milutinovic was president of Serbia
[during the Kosovo war], but everyone here knows he wasn't anywhere
close to decision-making process. The Hague would be smart to forget
about him." Even some senior Western officials concede that Milutinovic
probably was out of the loop, but the same cannot be said for Nikola
Sainovic, Gen. Dragoljub Ojdanic and Vlajko Stojiljkovic, the three
other named in the Milosevic indictment.

Sainovic, a political ally of Milosevic, was deputy prime minister of
Yugoslavia during the Kosovo war. Communications intercepts leaked to
the media indicate he was in direct contact with Serbian police they
slaughtered 45 ethnic Albanians in the village of Racak on Jan. 15,
1999, an event that stirred West to intervene in Kosovo.


After Milosevic was pushed from power, Sainovic retained a senior
position in the Socialist Party and hisseat in the federal parliament,
which in theory gives him a claim of immunity from The Hague.

Serb authorities suspect that Sainovic was responsible for smuggling
large quantities of gold out of country on behalf of the Milosevic
family. According to police sources, he recently was detained at the
Romanian border and may be cooperating with Serbian authorities trying
to recover the gold.
   Ojdanic, a Milosevic loyalist, was appointed army chief of staff in
November 1998, replacing Gen. Perisic, who was increasingly reluctant to
carry out Milosevic's orders in Kosovo. Earlier, Ojdanic involved in
questionable military actions in eastern Bosnia during the war there.
Now retired and living on his pension in Zlatibor, a mountainous area
near Montenegro, Ojdanic undoubtedly at the top of the chain of command
of the army, which coordinated the violence against Kosovo's ethnic

                   `Operation Horseshoe'

So, too, was Stojiljkovic, who during this period served as interior
minister with responsibility for the Secret police and regular police.
The police, even more than the army, were responsible for executing
Operation Horseshoe, Milosevic's plan to "cleanse" Kosovo of ethnic
Albanians. Stojiljkovic, in poor health these days, is retired and
living in Milosevic's old neighborhood in Belgrade. Because all four are
named with Milosevic on the indictment, Del Ponte would prefer to try
all of them together rather than wasting time and money repeating the
same trial for each, said Joris. -- Copyright C 2001, Chicago Tribune

NSP Lista isprobava demokratiju u praksi

Or send an email To: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
This email was sent to:

T O P I C A -- Register now to manage your mail!

Одговори путем е-поште