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According to this article by Justin Raimondo of Antiwar.com, Sen. John
McCain and various other self-styled "neo-conservatives" have started a new
political faction or movement that is very likely to be a "trial balloon"
for a new third party.

The "think tank" operating as a hub for this project has dubbed itself the
"Project for Conservative Reform" (PCR), but this is a misnomer. A careful
look at the propaganda posted on their website reveals the movement for what
it is: fascistic or national-socialist. (See "A Return to National
Greatness:
Manifesto for a Lost Creed," by David Brooks
http://www.conservativereform.org/nationalgreatness/brooks2-24.cfm.) Both
McCain and Kristol continue to be involved in spreading racist pro-war
propaganda that demonizes and threatens the Yugoslav nation and the Serbian
people, among others.

In addition, McCain's public behavior indicates that he is, to put it
mildly, mentally unstable. One may be tempted to hope that McCain's "wacky"
image and currently limited popularity means that he is no longer a threat.
But he's a ticking time bomb. Remember that, back in the 1930s, Hitler
appeared insignificant at first, but began to draw widespread support after
a serious economic and political crisis opened the way for him.

Oh, and by the way: Don't be surprised to find that the Clintons are somehow
involved in this, although perhaps on an unofficial basis for the time
being. (See "U. of C. to host talks by Clinton and McCain,"
http://www.suntimes.com/output/news/metro07.html.)

T.V. & Alida Weber


http://www.antiwar.com/justin/pf/p-j060401.html
Behind the Headlines
by Justin Raimondo
Antiwar.com
June 4, 2001

McCAIN'S MUTINY
Will Bill Kristol get his own party?

When I read the Washington Post story on John McCain's mad scheme to bolt
the GOP and form a "centrist" third party, my first thought was: I've got
Nostradamus beat. This, of course, is the typically self-referential mindset
of any writer � just so you'll know that we can't help ourselves. At any
rate, waaaay back in the beginning of last year [February 2, 2000], right
after the New Hampshire primary, I wrote:

"Regardless of whether or not Dubya ultimately wins the GOP presidential
nomination, the Bush debacle in New Hampshire signals the break-up of the
old Reagan coalition � and presages the demise of the Republican Party. As I
pointed out in a column on 'the coming implosion of the Bush campaign,' (I
hate to say I told you so, but I told you so) the struggle for the soul of
the Republican Party is now an internecine battle between the GOP left and
the ultra-left, between a moderate Rockefeller Republican and a
'progressive' Republican of the Teddy Roosevelt school."

THE CENTER CANNOT HOLD

So Team Bush waited until after the election to fall apart at the seams, but
the main point was that
". . . Dubya and his puffed-up advisors are being buffeted about by forces
they cannot understand or control. As the candidate of the Republican
center, Dubya's sputtering campaign is proof that � in the GOP, at least �
the center cannot hold. The Republican Left, led by McCain, is in the
ascendant, and the Republican Right, led by Buchanan, is leaving en masse.
This political turmoil is the first sign of the great realignment, a
post-cold war shift in the political landscape that augurs an era of
revolutionary change. In any seismic event of this magnitude there are bound
to be a few casualties � and if McCain makes it out to California, then it
looks like the GOP may be the first one."

MY CRYSTAL BALL

Okay, okay, so I wasn't entirely correct: I was wrong about the impact of
Buchanan's campaign (even the greatest seers sometimes confuse will be with
ought to be.) Perhaps my crystal ball was a little cloudy that day. But from
where I'm sitting, it looks like my main prediction � an imminent split in
the GOP � was correct. Only my timing was off. Oh, McCain is denying it,
but, then again, the Washington Post piece never really reported that he was
definitely leaving the GOP, only that he and his brain trust were discussing
it. What is fascinating, however, is how this threat of a split almost
perfectly maps the ideological fault-lines in the GOP as described above.
According to the Post:

"McCain's agenda, and that of a prospective McCain-led third party, is a
hawkish foreign policy, domestic reform and a call for universal national
service for young Americans. McCain sees each party held hostage by its
base � Democrats wedded to entitlements and Republicans dominated by
corporate interests � thus leaving room for a centrist populism."

LEADING THE CHARGE

Of the three elements in this proposed platform, two (conscription and
conquest) express the spirit of unabashed militarism that defines McCain's
public persona � and "reform," in a McCainian universe, is synonymous with
centralized power, and inevitably takes on a militaristic aspect. The term
"hawkish" does not quite do justice to the McCainiac foreign policy agenda:
Iraq, the Balkans, Russia, the Far East � no continent, it seemed during the
primaries, was safe from his belligerent pronouncements. McCain made a point
of declaring that all "rogue states" would feel the whiplash of American
power, giving voters the impression that he would personally lead the troops
into battle, like that blustering bully Theodore Roosevelt (whom he often
invoked) charging up San Juan hill.

CRUSHING SKULLS

McCain not only attacked Clinton for failing to launch the ground war in
Yugoslavia, but went so far as to appear on the same platform with the
Albanian extremist Joe DioGuardi, whose Albanian-American Civic League was
advocating the invasion of Macedonia long before it actually took place.
DioGuardi has long represented the radical fringe of the KLA, which is like
saying that someone belongs to the radical wing of the Mafia. A visit to
AACL's website confirms the, uh, distinctly aggressive program of DioGuardi
& Co.: the front page consists of a map of Albania incorporating generous
portions of Serbia, Macedonia, and Greece. It is safe to say that top McCain
advisor Bill Kristol's infamous remark that we must "crush Serb skulls"
accurately reflects what US policy in the Balkans will result in if
President McCain ever occupies the Oval Office � and it looks like the
Macedonians and the Greeks will suffer a few broken bones as well.

KRISTOL AS SVENGALI

Speaking of Kristol, he appears to be the inspiration behind this
media-driven third party boomlet. The Post piece is mostly a recounting of a
breathless lunch that took place between the principal conspirators,
including Kristol, campaign strategist John Weaver, legislative director
Daniel McKivergan, and the omnipresent Marshall Wittmann of the Hudson
Institute. While noting that "a couple of McCain's advisers have convinced
themselves he could win the presidency in 2004 as a third-party candidate,"
the Post avers that "others suggest that even if he lost, he could reshape
politics more to his liking for years to come." As crystallized by Kristol,
this scenario, the Post reports, reads as follows:

"'You have deadlock between the parties, and the ideological forces that
drove the two parties are somewhat spent and exhausted,' Kristol said. The
conservative era that began with Richard Nixon is waning. "It feels like
we're at the end of this period in American politics.'"

CONSERVATISM, R.I.P.?

Kristol's conversion to McCain's cause, you'll remember, coincided with his
widely-disdained obituary for the conservative movement, declaring that the
Right was intellectually and politically "exhausted." "Leaderless,
rudderless and issueless, the conservative movement, which accomplished
great things over the past quarter-century, is finished," declared this
grand strategist of the main chance, who latched on to McCain's coattails,
and, as Bill Rusher pointed out at the time, decided that he would found "a
new ideology, one that would eventually replace conservatism." Ever since
then, Kristol and his editorial sidekick David Brooks, have been peddling
their "national greatness conservatism" as a panacea for the nation's ills �
and McCain is their chosen vehicle.

WAR PARTY ON WARPATH

Aside from building lots of national monuments � I can just see that obelisk
topped with a marble bust of Kristol casting its shadow on the White House
lawn � the main manifestation of this "greatness," as far as Kristol is
concerned, is war. He is, after all, the leading exponent of what he calls a
"neo-Reaganite" foreign policy bent on nothing less than "benevolent global
hegemony": Kristol once threatened to leave the GOP if Republicans in
Congress stubbornly opposed the Kosovo war. Now, it seems, he is getting
ready to carry out his promise, as Team Bush gets ready to bail out of
Bosnia and shows signs of desperately wanting to do the same in Kosovo. But
it isn't just the Balkans: Colin Powell's influence has neutralized the
ultra-hawks in the administration on the China front (and every other
front), and Kristol and his warmongering cabal are livid.

THE DEFECTORS

McCain's meeting with Democratic Senate leader Tom Daschle, officially
billed as a tete-a-tete between two old friends, and the rumors that
Republican Senator Lincoln Chaffee's bolt from the GOP is considered
imminent, are, for Kristol, the culmination of a dream: teaming up with
Senator James Jeffords, the first post-election defector, the consolidation
of a "centrist" caucus in the US Senate will provide the heart of the
Kristol Party � or, at least, its arms and shoulders.

THE MOOSEKETEERS

It already has a head, not only in Kristol, but in a semi-official
thinktank, the "Project for Conservative Reform" (PCR), the brainchild of
the ubiquitous Marshall Wittmann. How is it that one ostensibly
"conservative" pundit can get so many citations in the Washington Post? He
even beats Kristol's previous record. This is one "conservative" the
liberals love to quote. The PCR website is adorned with a logo that affixes
the image to Reagan to that of Teddy Roosevelt, and, although the content
manages to combine the worst of both, clearly Wittmann identifies with the
latter more than the former. He writes a column called "The Bull Moose" in
which he excoriates the Republicans for stubbornly resisting the call to
embrace his program of big government "national greatness," refers to
himself as "the Moose," and calls his (few but loyal) readers
"Mooseketeers." Isn't that cute?

REFORMATION � OR DEFORMATION?

But there is nothing particularly cute about Wittmann's political agenda.
His constant subjects are the themes embraced by McCain: more money for the
military, more intervention abroad, more government, all presented as part
of a necessary "reformation" of conservative ideology. Wittmann & Co. want
to send conservatives to reform school. But no one is signing up for this
transformative experience, since Kristol and the McCainites have completely
discredited themselves on the Right � along with their Lider Maximo � and
impatience seems to have gotten the better of them. So now they're sending
up this trial balloon, hoping against hope that it will take flight. Of
course, it could be that McCain's denials are true, and that he has no
intention of setting up his own party. While not ruling out that
eventuality, there's always the option of mounting a primary challenge to
President Bush in 2004, in which he could become the megaphone for the
media's constant complaint that Bush ran in the center and is governing from
the right.

WORSHIPPING THE WAR GOD

In his panegyric to the idea of "national greatness," Weekly Standard editor
David Brooks opines that "it almost doesn't matter what great task
government sets for itself, as long as it does some tangible thing with
energy and effectiveness," but clearly war is the greatest source and symbol
of greatness as far as these "reformers" are concerned. In a less
grandiloquent, more concrete piece, in which he extols McCain as the
Rooseveltian archetype that embodies the "national greatness" ideal, the
remedy for a nation that has become "too bourgeois" and "soft," Brooks
writes:

"These days McCain is most famous for his foreign policy views, especially
his response to the war over Kosovo. Aside from his apparently millions of
appearances on the talk shows, McCain has delivered two major foreign policy
addresses of late-one in Kansas just before the Kosovo adventure got
started, and one at a think tank in Washington on April 13. Taken together,
they have a clear message: America's moral destiny is wrapped up in its
status as a superpower. If America ceases to assert itself as the democratic
superpower, promoting self-government around the world, it will cease to be
the America we love.

THE AMERICA WE LOVE

The America Brooks loves is not the America of the Founding Fathers, not the
republic of his forefathers, but a bloated empire founded on none other than
Madeleine Albright's hubristic conceit of America as "the indispensable
nation." But don't we all look forward to being citizens of the New Rome?
Brooks can hardly believe it, but there are some dissenters: "You'd think
all Americans would want their country to remain the world's sole
superpower," he writes. "After all, the game theorists teach us that nations
always seek to maximize their power." It is true that governments are
constantly seeking to maximize their power: to "national greatness"
conservatives, however, the nation is the government (that is, the federal
government), and therefore this kind of power lust is a good thing. But a
few reactionaries, Brooks complains, just don't see it that way:

"If you look around the op-ed pages, you discover that many are ambivalent.
Many liberals believe that multilateral power is more ethical than American
power. Many on the right believe that a superpower America means a Leviathan
state that will trample on communities. Realists don't like mixing morality
and foreign policy, whereas isolationists see foreign policy as a one-way
ratchet that can corrupt a nation's values but never improves them."

ALL IS VANITY

In short, we should've launched a ground war in the Balkans as a path to
moral self-improvement. According to the prophets of National Greatness, we
can starve the children of Iraq to death � 5,000 per month � and, instead of
being corrupted, be improved: we should make war, not love, in order to
reform our souls. This, in a nutshell, is the "national greatness" the
McCainiacs aspire to: the greatness of the conqueror. The traditional
conservative distrust of government, the idea of subsidiarity, the skeptical
stance when it comes to remaking the world is here discarded and replaced by
out-and-out state-worship. This is what animates Kristol, Wittmann, and
their nascent movement: the spirit of vainglory. As such, it is a vehicle
perfectly suited to McCain, whose self-regard borders on megalomania.

THE ROAD TO RUIN

As to whether "national greatness" conservatism � or, at this point,
"centrism" � is an ideology that can mobilize an organized movement, and
achieve some existence outside McCain's media amen corner and Marshall
Wittmann's daydreams, remains to be seen. As far as the future of the GOP is
concerned, what is clear is that McCain � and, standing behind him,
Kristol � seems bent on a course of rule or ruin. As for the rest of us, a
McCain victory � "Mad John" in the White House � would mean rule and ruin.

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