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NATO: Expansion, Missile Defense To Be Lead Topics At Ljubljana Summit
By Andrew Tully

When the presidents of the United States and Russia meet in Slovenia on June
16, their conversation is likely to focus on two key subjects of contention:
NATO expansion and the deployment of a missile defense system. Experts at a
recent conference on post-Soviet Russia discussed U.S.-Russian relations in
detail.

Washington, 11 June 2001 (RFE/RL) -- Next Saturday's summit between U.S.
President George W. Bush and Russian President Vladimir Putin will offer an
opportunity for the two leaders to explore each other's position on the
U.S.'s proposed missile defense system and the next round of expansion in
the
NATO.

This was the consensus of both American and Russian panelists attending a
two-day conference in Washington on Russia since the breakup of the Soviet
Union. The meeting, titled "Russia: Ten Years After," was organized by the
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, a Washington policy-analysis
institution.

The opening session, on Friday, was devoted to U.S.-Russian relations. One
of
the participants was Strobe Talbott, who served as deputy secretary of state
under Bill Clinton and was the former president's leading expert on
relations
with Russia. Talbott said he dismisses arguments that relations between
Washington and Moscow are now less important than they were during the Cold
War.

Talbott said even Bush and Putin earlier this year appeared willing to
downgrade U.S.-Russian relations. But now, he said -- citing the June 16
summit meeting in Ljubljana -- both leaders seem to be recognizing their
countries' mutual interests.

Russia has bristled at the idea of its former Warsaw Pact allies -- and even
former Soviet republics -- joining NATO. The nine official candidates
seeking
admittance at a NATO summit in Prague next year are Estonia, Latvia,
Lithuania, Albania, Bulgaria, Macedonia, Romania, Slovakia, and Slovenia.
Croatia is also an unofficial candidate.

As for the proposed missile defense, the U.S. has said it would use the
system not to target Russia's arsenal but to defend itself and its allies
against potential attacks from what it considers "rogue" nations like North
Korea and Iran. But Russia says such a system would be a violation of the
Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM), signed by the U.S. and the Soviet Union
in 1972.

Talbott said he believes Putin is prepared to make some kind of deal on a
missile defense system now that a new U.S. president has taken office.
According to the former State Department official, Moscow was not interested
in discussing the issue in the final year of the Clinton presidency. Putin
wanted to wait until Clinton's successor -- either Bush or Al Gore -- was in
office to begin the negotiations.

Talbott also said he does not expect a major disagreement between the U.S.
and Russia on NATO expansion. First, he said, he agrees with other analysts
that Russia wants to become a part of Europe. Therefore, Moscow would
probably recognize that it cannot prevent others from doing so as well:

"And that is, I would argue, in essence, what NATO enlargement is about and
what it should be about."

Another panelist -- Vladimir Lukin, the deputy speaker of the Russian State
Duma -- told the gathering that Russia opposes both missile defense and NATO
expansion. He added that the U.S. has offered inconsistent logic in its
support for both, saying that one cannot dismiss the ABM Treaty as a relic
of
the Cold War while still embracing NATO:

"NATO -- [speaking aside to another panelist] -- is [a] vestige of the Cold
War just as [the] Warsaw Pact was a Cold War organism." Zbigniew Brzezinski,
President Jimmy Carter's national security adviser during the 1970s,
expressed surprise at the concern over U.S.-Russian relations. He said he
doesn't believe that Washington and Moscow are, as he put it, "drifting to
some massive antagonism." But he said it is important that everyone on both
sides understands the nature of both NATO and the EU.

"Neither are in the business of going around inviting members, recruiting
participants. The fact is that the countries that want to join them [the EU
and NATO] want to join them. That's a very basic difference, incidentally,
from the Warsaw Pact."

Brzezinski said Russia probably understands that NATO is not an aggressive
alliance but a defensive alliance, even though its original purpose was to
defend Europe against the Soviet Union. According to Brzezinski, Russia will
more quickly become what he called "an extension of the European-Atlantic
community" if it resists a second round of NATO enlargement less than it did
the first round in 1999.

Sergei Rogov offered a more pessimistic outlook. It was Rogov who helped
draft the Paris Agreement easing problems in U.S.-Russian relations after
the
first round of NATO enlargement.

Rogov told the panel that Washington and Moscow should be wary of three
possible developments between now and the end of 2002. The first is that the
U.S. may unilaterally deploy a missile defense system. The second is a new
round of NATO enlargement. The third would be a decline in world oil prices,
which would leave Russia unable to pay its large foreign debt.

If all three of these developments occur by the end of next year, he said,
U.S.-Russian relations would move in a completely different direction, and
Moscow's ties with Beijing would be likely to improve dramatically:

"Then all the talk about [a] Russian-Chinese strategic alliance -- Russia
and
China jointly trying to oppose the United States, in a way, Russia becoming
[the] junior brother for China -- this talk might become a reality."

At another panel on Friday, Aleksandr Golts, a Russian journalist
specializing in military affairs, dismissed such fears. He said the
leadership in Moscow is not necessarily focused on having its demands met on
NATO enlargement or missile defense. According to Golts, what matters to
Russia is that it is seen as being involved in the leading strategic issues
of the day:

"We prove to ourselves, as well as to [the rest of the world], that we are
still [a] world power and we are still equal to [the] U.S., because [the]
U.S. discusses something with us."

Lukin said he feels generally optimistic about the Ljubljana summit this
Saturday. He added, however, that he does not see the meeting as an
opportunity to make tangible progress on either missile defense or NATO:

"I think that this meeting will be psychological, not substantive."

According to Lukin, the meeting in Slovenia will provide the two leaders an
important opportunity to get acquainted and generate what he called
"positive
chemistry."

Miroslav Antic,
http://www.antic.org/


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