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http://www.emperors-clothes.com/misc/savethe-a2.htm

www.tenc.net
[Emperor's Clothes] 

What NATO Occupation Would Mean For Macedonians
by Jared Israel [18 June 2001]

"Nato countries are drawing up contingency plans to
send troops into Macedonia, western diplomats and
defence officials said yesterday. 

"Defence sources said Germany was putting together
plans for a multinational "stabilisation force"
several thousand strong. 

"Britain and other Nato allies were also preparing to
extend their peacekeeping operations to Macedonia."
['The Guardian,' 15 June 2001
http:/guardianunlimited.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,507136,00.html]

We have argued that the crisis in Macedonia was
deliberately created by NATO, using the Kosovo
Liberation Army, or KLA, proven to be a NATO proxy
force. Even those who disagree admit NATO has done
little to prevent KLA attacks from Kosovo. But now the
crisis is to be ended by...NATO? 

Contemplating NATO as the solution gives one the
sensation of standing in a room full of distorting
mirrors in an amusement park. 

What is real? What is illusion? 

The forces attacking Macedonia are comprised mainly of
KLA members from Kosovo plus some mujahideen
terrorists from around the world - but the media calls
them 'rebels...' Many if not most of the KLA attackers
are paid employees of the Kosovo Protection Corps - a
United Nations organization...NATO leaders say they
are implacably opposed to terror. But:

"A day after ethnic Albanian rebels killed five
Macedonian soldiers, the prime minister gave word
Wednesday that he wants parliament to formally declare
war, deepening a four-month crisis.

"The European Union and the United States hurried to
discourage Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski from
making the formal request to parliament." ['AP,' 6
June 2001]

What would it mean for ordinary citizens of Macedonia
if NATO sent an occupation force? Would NATO guarantee
security and fair treatment for all citizens?

We have some factual basis for answering this
question.

In June, 1999 NATO occupied Kosovo, which like
Macedonia had been under attack from the KLA. At that
time, German and Dutch NATO troops took over the
Kosovo town of Orahovac. 

Emperor's Clothes has posted several accounts of the
fate of the town's Serbian residents. These may
indicate what Macedonians could expect if NATO took
over. 

In September, 1999, we published an article by a
Serbian citizen named Zoran (we withheld his surname
to protect him.) Employed by one of the European
diplomatic services, Zoran had traveled throughout
Kosovo. His searing account of that journey, called
'To Kosovo and Back,' includes a section on conditions
in Orahovac. 

A few weeks later we were able to interview three
women from Orahovac. Those interviews speak for
themselves. I have posted them below along with some
excerpts from the report by Zoran.

-- Jared Israel

Interview With Three Women From Orahovac

Interviewer: Jared Israel. Translator: Peter Makara.

INTERVIEW #1 - NATASHA GRKOVIC 

The first woman we interviewed was Natasha Grkovic,
age 27. An Orahovac native, she studied in Belgrade
until December, 1998, then returned home. In August,
1999, she escaped from Orahovac. Natasha says 3000
Serbs remain in the town. When the Yugoslav Army
retreated in June and KFOR (NATO) occupation troops
arrived: 

Natasha: "Maybe a thousand or more Serbs left.
Orahovac is unique in that so many did stay; that�s
because we believed KFOR guarantees that we�d be safe.
When it became clear things weren�t going to be that
way, people wanted to leave, but they were not
allowed. Besides the Serbs, 500-1000 Roma, or
'Gypsies', stayed." 
WHY MOST SERBS STAYED IN ORAHOVAC

Natasha: "From April on our telephone connections as
well as Serbian radio and TV were cut off thanks to
NATO bombing. We had little information about what was
happening in the rest of the country. We heard that
after the June Peace Agreement was signed there was a
massive exodus of Serbs from Prizen and elsewhere but
we couldn�t verify it so we wondered if it was true.
Meanwhile, we were constantly being told by Western
media that our security would be guaranteed - for
instance, by Voice of America, which we heard via
satellite connections. They used phrases about
multiethnic, multicultural society and their Democracy
and promised first to disarm KLA, then to establish
their laws. 
"The morning before KFOR arrived there was a meeting
of their representatives with the Mayor, a Serb, plus
other Serbs including the head of the winery. KFOR
said that in two days or so life would return to
normal. The next day the houses were burning." 
KFOR ARRIVES BRINGING KLA & TERROR

Natasha: "With KFOR, the KLA came. The same day. Some
neighbors even appeared in KLA uniforms. We were
horrified. Suddenly we didn�t feel safe [in the mixed
section of Orahovac] so we moved to the Serbian part. 
"As we were leaving we saw, already, Serbian houses
being burned. KFOR did nothing. We complained; they
said they didn�t have enough people. Soon
reinforcements arrived but the situation stayed the
same for a month. Over a hundred houses were burned.
And they robbed whatever they could. A few "Gypsy"
(Roma) houses were burned too. Twenty-five people who
stayed in the mixed section were kidnapped, plus their
houses were burned too.

"Slowly we realized the extent of the mistake we�d
made in not leaving. Every day KFOR offered new
excuses for not protecting us. They said: 'We can�t
put guards in front of every house. We can�t give
every Serb an armed guard.'

"The KFOR checkpoint is close to the ghetto. KFOR
guards the entrance and exit to the Serbian area. Plus
there are barricades, which the Albanians put up.
First you hit KFOR and second you hit the Albanian
barricades. KFOR supplied tents for the Albanians who
are sitting on those barricades. And they ran electric
wiring into those tents to provide current."

[In his article in emperors-clothes, Zoran reports
"Albanian roadblocks outside Orahovac are former
German/Dutch fortified checkpoints. I can not imagine
that Albanians could have taken control of those
without [KFOR's] tacit approval � or instigation. The
organizing committee at the roadblocks is armed.
Heavier weapons are kept in hundreds of tents erected
around the barricades � supposedly for women and
children. Muscular men in sport suits patrolling the
site carry small firearms under their jackets."]

 CONDITIONS IN THE GHETTO

Natasha: "We were kept in this Serb enclave. My
parents can come out on the streets but that�s
dangerous; two people were wounded just being outside
the house. Those who have tried to escape simply
disappeared.
"There is no phone service to Belgrade. The only food
is from humanitarian sources. One "Gypsy" tried to
ship food from the Albanian to the Serbian section;
some extreme Albanian group told him, "No food for the
Serbs!" Near the beginning we would send some Albanian
kid to buy stuff for us. But the kid would be beaten
up and they would tell him 'Don't do that again!'

"The ghetto is 500 square yards. Water is erratic:
once in three days for two or three hours. 

"During the first days there were lots of reporters.
Later there were fewer; I spoke to a Reuters'
journalist twice. The second time he said the first
interview had been all censored and crossed out."

[Zoran reports: "In the first days after KFOR's
arrival, 5 Orahovac Serbs were killed and 10 abducted
under the watchful eyes of German troops. Serbs aren't
even allowed to go to the market or grocery store 50
meters away. The considerable Gypsy population,
together with the Serbs, suffers equally."]

Natasha: "The only thing that KFOR did was organize a
shipment of bread to the Serbian part; they were very
proud of it. We only see KFOR in the street; there are
no meetings. The Albanians are in charge. They took
everything. You occasionally have small KFOR patrols
but Headquarters is in the Albanian section." 
[Zoran reports: "In Orahovac itself the former police
station has been turned into a KLA HQ. The local KLA
commander, the man who runs this town, is a mass
murderer named Ismet Hara, responsible for last year�s
abductions and brutal killings of over 60 Serbian
civilians from Orahovac (the bodies of most are still
missing), some of whom � it is reasonably believed �
he personally executed. 

"Serbs say they recognize many local Albanians in the
ranks of the German KFOR. Probably KLA members
recruited in Albania�KFOR denies this�I�ve personally
seen KLA Commanders with their escort � all
[illegally] armed � entering KFOR bases with KFOR ID
cards and never a delay."]

DE-FANGING THE VICTIM

[Zoran reports: "Early in the KFOR/KLA occupation,
Dutch/German Baklava Units gave local Serbs 24 hours
to hand in all their weapons. (note that the KLA has
been given 3 months and still counting�.) The na�ve
Serbs complied. A few weeks later, the Dutch/German
troops entered the Serbian quarter in broad daylight,
fired some warning shots over the heads of Serbs who
were gathered near a church and dragged people from
their houses. Serbian witness say they grabbed people
by the hair and pulled them out while kicking them�

"The Dutch/German troops arrested the Serbian Mayor
and two other Serbs, accusing them of �war crimes�.
There is no credible evidence to support these
charges, though the Albanian side has spread rumors
that documents discovered in a cellar of one house
implicated the Mayor."] 

Natasha: "Yes, that arrest was spectacular, just like
that. I heard that KFOR had masks. They arrested the
doctor and the Mayor [and a restaurant owner.] They
accused them of war crimes. 
"Nine people were seized altogether. The second group
of six was just ordinary people. They had been working
with the International Red Cross which wants to
evacuate old and sick people. The six were told they
could leave. Then KFOR arrested them at the
checkpoint."

[Zoran reports: "From reliable international sources I
learned the arrests are an attempt to turn these
people into "important witnesses" in a made-up war
crimes case against Serbs, not because of real
evidence. 

"Here�s the strategy: first they isolate the Serbs,
then they wear them out, then they kick them out �
after extracting the people Albanians accuse of being
�war criminals�. To this end, they come up with all
kinds of justifications for keeping the last remaining
Serb civilians in this monstrous new ghetto."]

REVEALING INCIDENTS

Natasha: "The people who left that mixed part of the
town the first day didn�t have time to take any
luggage or personal belongings. Not even personal
documents. A lower level German officer who was
friendly and kind did provide us with an armed escort
[so we could get some basic necessities] and even
helped with luggage. But soon after that he
disappeared; we [Serbs] never saw him again.
"In another case a common Dutch soldier saw an
Albanian coming from a burning house. The Dutch
soldier wanted to shoot at the arsonist but his
officer stopped him, and they quarreled. We didn�t see
that soldier later either. Their practice in general
was that they would change the people who patrol the
Serbian area with the intention obviously that these
people not get friendly with the Serbs. 

ROUTINE BRUTALITY

Natasha: "In another case a Serbian woman was about to
deliver. She wanted to go the maternity ward in the
Orahovac hospital. Ever since KFOR�s arrival,
Albanians comprise the entire staff at this hospital.
She got a KFOR escort and was taken to this local
hospital; they said it would be a difficult delivery
and to go to the larger town, Prizen. KFOR provided
escort to Prizen. The delivery was difficult and in
front of KFOR the hospital staff said that she should
stay for at least 24 hours but as soon as KFOR had
left, they kicked her out into the corridor. So she
spent the night on a bench with the new baby." 
[Editor�s note: Natasha then recounts how when KFOR
finally came and brought this woman and her baby back
to Orahovac, her relative complained to a Dutch
commanding officer. The officer replied: 'She's alive
isn�t she? Why complain?"]

NATASHA RETURNS IN A CONVOY TO ORAHOVAC

[Editor�s note: In August, Natasha fled from Orahovac
to Belgrade. There she and other women with relatives
in Orahovac pressed the Yugoslav government to
intervene. The government negotiated with KFOR for two
convoys of women to go to Orahovac with KFOR escort. 

Natasha was on the second trip. After a brief visit,
the woman met at the Serbian Orthodox Church so KFOR
could take them back to the checkpoint.] 

Natasha: "I was there visiting my parents for three
hours after a whole night of traveling and harassment:
more time at KFOR�s checkpoint then with my family.
After the visit a crowd gathered at the church. They
wanted their children to leave Orahovac. KFOR didn�t
want a scene so they let us get on the truck with the
children. It was quite crowded.
"Back at the checkpoint, they divided us women from
the children. They made a list of the people who came
in with the convoy, and they said those people could
leave but the children had to go back [to Orahovac]." 

HELL

Natasha: "The children started crying; they wanted to
go with us. We tried to convince KFOR to let the
children go; they said if one "extra" person leaves
they would not provide an escort. And already
Albanians were gathering around, kind of watching what
was happening. And it was getting dark. 
"The trick was that the KFOR would bring us back only
to our bus and from there on it would be completely
unsafe. 

"The whole scene was one of horror, the children
crying, us women trying to convince KFOR. The Dutch
commander shouted: 'ENOUGH! Just those who came should
go back on the truck and the children must go back
where they came.' So there was more crying and the
women were crying and shouting, and he screamed:
'ENOUGH!' The children were forced to go back." 

INTERVIEW # 2 � MIRIANA [Surname withheld]

Miriana, whom we interviewed second, said the women
went next to Pristina, capital of Kosovo. Six women
met with Mr. Ivancev[sp?], an assistant to UN Kosovo
Chief Bernard Kouchner. 

Miriana: "We told him that this really felt like a
concentration camp and that that should happen at the
gate to the 21st century was astonishing. Each told
her story separately. He said he didn't know too much
about Serbs in Orahovac, he was at that duty only a
month and a half. We told him it�s actually a
humanitarian catastrophe. He was apologetic. 
"He wrote down all we said. He said he�d be talking to
Mr. Kouchner in the afternoon and would then contact
us. We gave him our mobile phone number and told him
where we were staying. He promised to call. 
"He did respect his word and called about 5 or 6. He
talked to our translator Aleksander and apologized
because it was Tuesday and he couldn�t go before
Friday. We agreed to meet him Friday noontime at the
Turkish checkpoint [at or near Pristina]. 
[Natasha reports that a Yugoslav representative in
Pristina, Mr. Tomovich, negotiated with KFOR for an
armed escort as well as the presence of a doctor and
medical supplies on the trip.]

CONDITIONS IN PRISTINA

Miriana: "We stayed in the Serb-run 'Center for Peace
and Tolerance'. The conditions were quite awful. We
didn�t have a place to sleep. We didn�t have water,
current or food. It was really quite difficult but we
kept in our minds the conditions of our families in
Orahovac so we were just waiting for this Friday to
come so we could go and see our families again and try
and help our families.
"Right across from the Center were food stores. But we
couldn't cross the street and buy because we were
Serbs. So we gave the soldiers money to go buy stuff
for us. Our translators or these soldiers would cross
the street and buy apples or something."

KFOR CHANGES ITS MIND

Miriana: "Four in the morning the water came and we
quickly got ready. 9:30 in the morning we got out in
the yard to wait for KFOR escort. Two Yugoslav
representatives waited with us. But the escort did not
come. Ten in the morning came; eleven came; 11:30. We
were losing hope that we�d be able to get to the
Turkish checkpoint at noon. Our representative [name
unintelligible] said it seemed that the German KFOR
troops [in command at Orahovac] were now demanding a
signed permission by the International Red Cross for
us to get to Orahovac. 
"We saw that something had failed. So we said to a
British Captain, he was in uniform" 'Give us an
escort; let�s go now.'

"So that guy, whom we would be able to recognize now
among a million NATO troops, went to KFOR
headquarters. And he came back and asked, 'Could you
perhaps go to Orahovac tomorrow but without an escort
and without a translator; and if you agree, you must
respect whatever orders the German command there in
Orahovac gives you." It would be just us without an
escort. Just the women without even the doctor. We
were to come at 8 AM and strictly obey the German
command.

"So we said even that way we would go but we wanted a
written document where the conditions would be spelled
out. This British officer said: no written document.
We insisted. He said no. 

"Another night was coming. When it was obvious that
these negotiations would fail, we said, 'All right,
give us an escort so we can go back to the rest of
Serbia.' Immediately he said OK; in 45 minutes we
would get an escort. 

'You see we had insisted a document exist so that in
case we disappeared there would at least be a record.
The bus we were using was from Serbia, with large
Cyrillic letters. So it really sounded like that, that
we would disappear. They could spin the story this
way: they had tried to arrange a trip that was guarded
but the women insisted on going on their own against
KFOR�s wishes and then this terribly regrettable thing
happened. Due to the Albanians� desire for revenge
against the Serbian oppressors, etc., etc. It was so
transparent that even a little child could see through
it. We had hoped that on this trip we would find some
good people among the occupation forces, that there
could be some good people but we saw that there are
none."

INTERVIEW #3: SIMCA KAZAZIC

Simca Kazazic lived in Belgrade for many years but has
maintained close ties with family and friends in
Orahovac, calling and visiting frequently.

Simca: "Until the ninth of April I had phone contact.
After that I was just guessing. The connection between
Belgrade and Pristina worked almost all the time but
this Metohija area, towards Albania, the phone lines
were down. During the bombing our contact was through
the mail; it took 20 days, sometimes a month, but we
kept in touch. You have to understand that since June
we�ve been pressuring the Yugoslav government to
organize some visit there." 
[Simca was one of two women who went on the first trip
back to Orahovac.]

Simca: "On this trip there were just two women from
Orahovac. I was one. We had three large trucks with
humanitarian supplies. When we got to the Dutch
checkpoint in Orahovac the Dutch officer said one of
the trucks could proceed into the Serbian area but
that we, the two women, could not. They would unload
the truck to see what was on it and then they would
let in the second truck.
"I was afraid I would not be able to see my relatives
at all. I started to cry and I begged one of the
soldiers: "Please. Please." And he just waved his hand
as if too say, "Go back to the group, go back to the
others."

"Suddenly I saw this man nearby, a civilian; he was my
Serbian neighbor and I was surprised. His face is
maybe similar to an Albanian. I said, 'How come you
can roam around?' 'And he said, 'Oh, they�re confused;
they think I�m an Albanian.' So he was free and I
said, 'Look, please don�t tell my mother I�m here. My
mother has a heart problem. I didn�t want my neighbor
to tell her that I�m there and then if I�m not able to
see them she might get sick.' 

"When Albanians go through this checkpoint they�re not
even stopped. They just wave and KFOR waves back; it�s
just us that are stopped. Albanians clap their hands
and shout 'NA �TO, NA � TO!' And the Dutch people are
very friendly towards the Albanians.

"This neighbor of mine did not listen to my advice. He
went and told my family. And suddenly I saw my brother
and sister walking towards me. The Dutch soldiers
immediately formed themselves into a row and put up a
barbed wire barricade. So it was I, then these
soldiers, then this barbed wire, and then my brother
and sister on the other side. I was crying on one side
of the barricade and my brother and sister were crying
on the other side." 

[Simca was weeping as she spoke.]

Simca: "I knelt down and begged him in English, 'This
is my brother and my sister, please help me.' And he
just waved his hands, saying, 'Nein, Nein.' 
The use here of the word "Nein" here confused the
interviewer and there followed this exchange between
him, the translator and Simca:

Jared: "Is that the Dutch word for 'No?' That�s not a
Dutch word."
Simca: "I thought if I addressed him in English he
would answer in English but no, he said, �Nein Nein'.
"

Jared: "But that�s a German word."

Simca: "I understand the difference."

Jared: "But he was Dutch."

Translator: "She knows that. That�s her point."

[Simca continued with her report:]

Simca: "Then this 'friend' of ours, this Dutch Major
appeared, and I told him this was my brother and
sister. He showed some mercy and told the soldiers
that these two, my brother and sister, could pass
through. So I was able to hug my brother and sister. 
"My brother does not show his emotions. I didn�t see
him cry at my father�s funeral. But when he came and
hugged me he cried too. It was terrible. The other
people heard that someone had come from Belgrade and
suddenly all of them were walking towards the
checkpoint en masse though it was not a safe thing to
do. 
"Once he saw so many people coming, this friend of
ours, this Dutch Major, decided that maybe there would
be an incident so perhaps it would be better to let
the women in. So we got in. It�s difficult to put in
words what happened. People surrounded us asking us
questions: 'What�s happening?' 'Are we forgotten?'
'How can we get out?' Questions and tears and worries.

"My mother was just 15 yards away but she couldn�t
reach me because there was such a crowd. They looked
at us as if we�d come from another planet, as if we
were Gods, desperate to touch us and ask us questions.
These people don�t get newspapers; they don�t get TV;
the telephones don�t work. 
"This Major, I was begging him to let my sister and
her little children out. And he said: 'No! Only those
who came in can get out.'" 
KFOR METHODS OF SEARCHING

Simca: "The procedure for getting in was astonishing.
They photographed our ID documents. A woman searched
me. I had to lift my arms and spread my legs and she
was touching me everywhere as if she was looking for
weapons. Just like in the movies. I felt bad before
and I felt horrible afterwards. 
"First they look at the car, they look under the seats
of the car, they look around and inside. They
photograph the documents. Then they do this search
with their hands around your body and then they do
that to the next person and they tell you to stay
aside while they do that to the next person. I had
taken cookies and chocolate for my sister�s children
and they crushed it up and turned it over and inside
out. 

Simca was only allowed two and a half hours visiting
in Orahovac.

Simca: "As we were getting ready to leave suddenly
there was a number of young people, boys and girls,
who were all packed. They appeared immediately with
suitcases; the same thing happened with the second
convoy. I didn�t spend much time with my mother; I
have to admit that. I was concentrating all my effort
on how I could save my sister and her young children.
The youngest is two. 
Simca: "When we were leaving they made sure to keep
people separated. There were the two of us, then a row
of soldiers, then the barbed wire, another row of
soldiers on the other side. Then the German police,
with red berets made another wall. We were to leave at
5:30 but it took until 10:30. The problem was that
three young girls slipped through the lines and got
into the jeep of a journalist who was with us. This
journalist fiercely quarreled with KFOR, demanding
that the girls be allowed to go. 
"There were more and more people coming from the
Serbian section to the checkpoint. This journalist
said he wouldn�t let these girls be taken from the
jeep; KFOR would have to shoot him. So the Major,
seeing all these people and fearing trouble after this
long quarrel, let the jeep leave with the three young
girls. He was very angry. He said, "OK, you can leave.
But you have not respected the Rules agreed on for
this visit!" 
* * *

[In a later interview (October 31), Simca recounted
another conversation with Mr. Ivancev, the Russian
assistant to UN Kosovo Chief Kouchner, which took
place October 29. Ivancev told her they were holding
the Serbs hostage in Orahovac because the Albanians
had given KFOR a list of 200 war criminals.]

Simca: "Ivancev said, 'The war criminals are hiding
among the Serbs.' I asked him: 'Then what about the
children? Why have you refused to release the children
for four months?' He looked miserable. 'That's the
question I asked Mr. Kouchner,' he said. And he looked
so miserable I almost felt sorry for him." 
Further reading:
*  'Women of Orahovac Answer the Colonel' at
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/trouw.htm 

* Account of Jewish leader 'Driven from Kosovo'
http://emperors-clothes.com/interviews/ceda.htm 



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