STOP NATO: �NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.ORG.UK --------------------------- ListBot Sponsor -------------------------- Get a low APR NextCard Visa in 30 seconds! 1. Fill in the brief application 2. Receive approval decision within 30 seconds 3. Get rates as low as 2.99% Intro or 9.99% Ongoing APR and no annual fee! Apply NOW! http://www.bcentral.com/listbot/NextCard ---------------------------------------------------------------------- [The Washington Post, self-styled beacon of the free press and independent thought in an otherwise benighted world, has decided that Western, largely U.S., policy toward Yugoslavia is a model for dealing with other nations, specifically Russia and Ukraine. Endorsing the "correct" and "principled" stance of George Bush in blackmailing the government of Yugoslavia into submission, much as the Post had earlier embraced the "bold" and "farsighted" actions of his predecessor and would, tomorrow, applaud the "courageous, decisive" initiatives of General Wesley Clark should the latter stage a coup d'etat and declare himself military dictator or president for life, this newspaper of record additionally recommends the same prescription for two far larger states, both of whom possess nuclear weapons. As for what the current administration has achieved in the Balkans in its brief tenure, it's reducible to this: The more than probable destruction of constitutional rule and the collapse of the government in Yugoslavia, and a new, devastating war in Macedonia. And this in less than six months. Truly a record of accomplishment worthy of the Washington Post's effusive praise. What the newspaper's editorial neglects to mention, though the editors to be consistent would have to ackowledge, is that the, to them, commendable course of action pursued by the Bush administration is the ineluctable latest phase in a continuum of actions taken by the U.S. and its allies toward Yugoslavia; one which, to be applicable to "other European nations...including Ukraine and Russia," would have to be reprised in every particular. For example, in order to bring these two nations to their knees sufficiently to induce them to effectively sacrifice their sovereignty for the promise of a loan roll-over, Ukraine and Russia would first have to had been the recipients of the full Yugoslav treatment, including but not limited to: Western economic, diplomatic and military assistance to ethnic and religious separatist movements. A regime of devastating trade sanctions and suspension and expulsion from all major world financial organizations. Recognition by major Western nations and their allies of small, previously non-existent national entities on Russian and Ukrainian soil; the inauguration of these Ruthenias and Erewhons into the United Nations as Russia's and Ukraine's memberships are cancelled or placed into receivership. The provision of arms, mercenaries and political recognition to the new pseudo-nations. And, finally, the aerial bombardment of Russian and Ukrainian cities, urban and transportation infrastructure, petro-chemical storage and processing facilities, manufacturing plants, power grids, telecommunications and broadcasting systems, and all government assets, to be followed up by NATO occupation of much of the two countries' former territories. Then, threatening yet further attacks and destruction unless compliant political leaders are installed in what's left of Kiev and Moscow, the West adds usurious debt burdens onto the people of both countries, populations already suffering from a decade of sanctions, bombings, massive displacement of refugees, devaluation of their currency, destruction of almost all their former industrial base. At that point, as the Washington Post observes, Russia and Ukraine would be candidates for making the transition to "joining the community of democratic European nations," having benefited from the "Yugoslav model."] The Washington Post Thursday, June 28, 2001 The Yugoslav Model JUST A couple of months ago, Yugoslavia's new democratic leaders were making the rounds of Western capitals to explain why they couldn't possibly arrest and extradite Slobodan Milosevic and other Serbs sought by the international war crimes tribunal in The Hague. Now it seems that within weeks or even days, they will deliver Mr. Milosevic and maybe others as well. If they do it will be a triumph for the cause of international justice and a breakthrough for Yugoslavia in its slow and painful effort to recover from Mr. Milosevic's destructive regime. It will also be a signal achievement by the Bush administration, which has demonstrated in the case of Yugoslavia that insisting on principles of human rights can strengthen fragile democratic governments. Yugoslavia's democrats and some of their defenders in Europe were slow to accept that truth. For months after Mr. Milosevic's overthrow last year, they argued that arresting him would cause the new democracy to break down, that turning him over to The Hague would reignite Serbia's destructive nationalism. Several European governments appeared more than ready to accept these arguments. However, the Bush administration made clear that U.S. support for Yugoslavia's economic reconstruction would depend on cooperation with the international criminal court. That stand forced Yugoslavia's political elite to make hard choices -- and strengthened those who most favor democratic reforms and alignment with the West. Just days before an April deadline for cutting off U.S. aid, Mr. Milosevic was arrested; now, days before an international donor's conference for Yugoslavia, authorities have taken steps to extradite him. The Bush administration responded yesterday that it will attend the donor's conference and pledge some of the $1.1 billion in aid Yugoslavia hopes to raise. But it correctly stipulated that delivery of the aid will depend on "Yugoslavia's further steps to fully cooperate with the tribunal." That continued conditionality will help ensure the extraditions of Mr. Milosevic and other Serb war criminals, which in turn will further strengthen Belgrade's democrats. By insisting on the enforcement of international norms of justice and human rights, the Bush administration is not only standing up for those principles but also helping to entrench a leadership in Yugoslavia that can lead the country toward joining the community of democratic European nations. As the West grapples with other European nations hoping to make that transition in the next few years, including Ukraine and Russia, Yugoslavia may offer a model. __________________________________________________ Do You Yahoo!? Get personalized email addresses from Yahoo! Mail http://personal.mail.yahoo.com/ ______________________________________________________________________ To unsubscribe, write to [EMAIL PROTECTED]
