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________________________________
 From: Keith Addison <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: biofuel@sustainablelists.org 
Sent: Friday, March 2, 2012 12:51 AM
Subject: [Biofuel] Throwing Out the Free Market Playbook: An Interview with 
Naomi Klein
  
http://www.thesolutionsjournal.com/node/1053

Volume 3 | Issue 1 | Feb 2012

Throwing Out the Free Market Playbook: An Interview with Naomi Klein

Perhaps one of the most well-known voices for the Left, Canadian 
Naomi Klein is an activist and author of several nonfiction works 
critical of consumerism and corporate activity, including the best 
sellers No Logo (2000) and Shock Doctrine (2007).

In your cover story for the Nation last year, you say that modern 
environmentalism successfully advances many of the causes dear to the 
political Left, including redistribution of wealth, higher and more 
progressive taxes, and greater government intervention and 
regulation. Please explain.

The piece came out of my interest and my shock at the fact that 
belief in climate change in the United States has plummeted. If you 
really drill into the polling data, what you see is that the drop in 
belief in climate change is really concentrated on the right of the 
political spectrum. It's been an extraordinary and unusual shift in 
belief in a short time. In 2007, 71 percent of Americans believed in 
climate change and in 2009 only 51 percent believed-and now we're at 
41 percent. So I started researching the denial movement and going to 
conferences and reading the books, and what's clear is that, on the 
right, climate change is seen as a threat to the Right's worldview, 
and to the neoliberal economic worldview. It's seen as a Marxist 
plot. They accuse climate scientists of being watermelons-green on 
the outside and red on the inside.

It seems exaggerated, but your piece was about how the Right is in 
fact correct.

I don't think climate change necessitates a social revolution. This 
idea is coming from the right-wing think tanks and not scientific 
organizations. They're ideological organizations. Their core reason 
for being is to defend what they call free-market ideology. They feel 
that any government intervention leads us to serfdom and brings about 
a socialist world, so that's what they have to fight off: a socialist 
world. Increase the power of the private sector and decrease the 
public sphere is their ideology.

You can set up carbon markets, consumer markets, and just pretend, 
but if you want to get serious about climate change, really serious, 
in line with the science, and you want to meet targets like 80 
percent emissions cuts by midcentury in the developed world, then you 
need to be intervening strongly in the economy, and you can't do it 
all with carbon markets and offsetting. You have to really seriously 
regulate corporations and invest in the public sector. And we need to 
build public transport systems and light rail and affordable housing 
along transit lines to lower emissions. The market is not going to 
step up to this challenge. We must do more: rebuild levees and 
bridges and the public sphere, because we saw in Katrina what happens 
when weak infrastructure clashes with heavy weather-it's catastrophe. 
These climate deniers aren't crazy-their worldview is under threat. 
If you take climate change seriously, you do have to throw out the 
free-market playbook.

What is the political philosophy that underscores those who accept 
climate change versus those who deny it?

The Yale cultural cognition project has looked at cultural worldview 
and climate change, and what's clear is that ideology is the main 
factor in whether we believe in climate change. If you have an 
egalitarian and communitarian worldview, and you tend toward a belief 
system of pooling resources and helping the less advantaged, then you 
believe in climate change. And the stronger your belief system tends 
toward a hierarchical or individual worldview, the greater the 
chances are that you deny climate change and the stronger your denial 
will be. The reason is clear: it's because people protect their 
worldviews. We all do this. We develop intellectual antibodies. 
Climate change confirms what people on the left already believe. But 
the Left must take this confirmation responsibly. It means that if 
you are on the left of the spectrum, you need to guard against 
exaggeration and your own tendency to unquestioningly accept the data 
because it confirms your worldview.

Members of the Left have been resistant to acknowledging that this 
worldview is behind their support of climate action, while the Right 
confronts it head on. Why this hesitancy among liberals?

There are a few factors at work. Climate change is not a big issue 
for the Left. The big left issues in the United States are 
inequality, the banks, corporate malfeasance, unemployment, 
foreclosures. I don't think climate change has ever been a 
broad-based issue for the Left. Part of this is the legacy of siloing 
off issues, which is part of the NGO era of activism. Climate change 
has been claimed by the big green groups and they're to the left. But 
they're also foundation funded. A lot of them have gone down the road 
of partnerships with corporations, which has made them less critical. 
The discourse around climate change has also become extremely 
technical and specialized. A lot of people don't feel qualified and 
feel like they don't have to talk about it. They're so locked into a 
logic of market-based solutions-that the big green groups got behind 
cap and trade, carbon markets, and consumer responses instead of 
structural ones-so they're not going to talk about how free trade has 
sent emissions soaring or about crumbling public infrastructure or 
the ideology that would rationalize major new investments in 
infrastructure. Others can fight those battles, they say. During good 
economic times, that may have seemed viable; but as soon as you have 
an economic crisis, the environment gets thrown under the bus, and 
there is a failure to make the connection between the economy and the 
climate crisis-both have roots in putting profits before people.

You write in your article, "After years of recycling, carbon 
offsetting, and light-bulb changing, it is obvious that individual 
action will never be an adequate response to the climate crisis." How 
do we get the collective action necessary? Is the Occupy movement a 
step in the right direction?

The Occupy movement has been a game changer, and it has opened up 
space for us to put more radical solutions on the table. I think the 
political discourse in the United States is centered around what we 
tell ourselves the American public can handle. The experience of 
seeing these groups of young people put radical ideas on the table, 
and seeing the country get excited by it, has been a wake up call for 
a lot of people who feel they support those solutions-and for those 
who have said, "That's all we can do." It has challenged the sense of 
what is possible. I know a lot of environmentalists have been really 
excited by that. I'm on the board of 350.org, and they'll be doing 
more and more work on the structural barriers to climate action. The 
issue is why? Why do we keep losing? Who is in our way? We're talking 
about challenging corporate personhood and financing of elections-and 
this is huge for environmental groups to be moving out of their 
boxes. I think all of the green organizations who take corporate 
money are terrified about this. For them, Occupy Wall Street has been 
a game changer.

What comes after communism and capitalism? What's your vision of the 
way forward?

It's largely about changing the mix in a mixed economy. Maybe one day 
we'll have a perfect "ism" that's post-communism and -capitalism. But 
if we look at the countries that have done the most to seriously meet 
the climate challenge, they're social democracies like Scandinavia 
and the Netherlands. They're countries with a strong social sphere. 
They're mixed economies. Markets are a big part, but not the only 
part, of their economies. Can we meet our climate targets in a system 
that requires exponential growth to continue? Furthermore, where is 
the imperative of growth coming from? What part of our economy is 
demanding growth year after year?

If you're a locally based business, you don't need continual growth 
year after year. What requires that growth is the particular brand of 
corporate capitalism-shareholders who aren't involved in the business 
itself. That part of our economy has to shrink, and that's terrifying 
people who are deeply invested in it. We have a mixed economy, but 
it's one in which large corporations are controlled by outside 
investors, and we won't change that mix until that influence is 
reduced.

Is that possible?

It is if we look at certain choke points like corporate personhood 
and financing, and it makes sense for us to zero in on aspects of our 
system that give corporations massive influence. Another is media 
concentration. If you had publicly financed elections, you'd have to 
require public networks to give airtime to candidates. So the fact 
that networks charge so much is why presidential elections cost more 
than a billion dollars, which means you have to go to the 1 percent 
to finance the elections. These issues are all linked with the idea 
that corporations have the same free-speech rights as people, so 
there would also be more restrictions on corporate speech.

Entrepreneur and writer Peter Barnes has argued that what's missing 
is adequate incorporation of the "commons sector" in the 
economy-public goods like natural and social capital. "Capitalism 
3.0" he calls it, which we'd achieve not by privatizing these goods 
but by creating new institutions such as public-asset trusts. What's 
your opinion of this approach?

I definitely think it's clear that the road we've been on-turning to 
the private sector to run our essential services-has proven 
disastrous. In many cases, the reason why it was so easy to make 
arguments in favor of privatization was because public institutions 
were so cut off and unresponsive and the public didn't feel a sense 
of ownership. The idea that a private corporation has valued you as a 
customer was a persuasive argument. Now it turns out both models have 
failed. So this idea that there is a third way-neither private nor 
state-run public-is out there.


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