The article below from the The New York Times and the editorials from The 
Washington Post which I will post in the next email do a fair job for the 
mainstream media of explaining the situation in Washington D.C. right now.  

The Senate has failed to pass HR 6 (still using the House bill number from 
January) because of an impasse over the Bingamen/Reid for Renewable Portfolio 
Standard, which the legislative alerts were all about.  (modest and even 
pathetic as it is.) There is also, though not addressed in HR 6 a big fight 
over the already pathetically low proposed fuel economy standards.   

Jeanne


THE NEW YORK TIMES

June 14, 2007    
http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/us/AP-Senate-Energy.html


 

Senate Impasse Over Renewable Energy 

By  H. JOSEF HEBERT  THE ASSOCIATED PRESS  Filed at 7:56 p.m. ET

    

WASHINGTON (AP) -- Senate Democrats, eager for a vote on energy legislation, 
ran into staunch Republican resistance Thursday to a proposal to require 
utilities to use more wind, solar and other renewable sources to produce 
electricity.

The impasse over renewable fuels came as the Senate prepared to vote on an 
equally contentious matter: whether to allow limited natural gas development in 
waters off the mid-Atlantic coast despite a long-standing drilling moratorium.

Democrats were forced to set aside -- at last until next week -- their 
renewable fuels proposal after it became clear they did not have the 60 votes 
needed to proceed.

The bill would require power companies to increase use of wind turbines, solar 
panels, biomass, geothermal energy or other renewable sources to produce at 
least 15 percent of their electricity by 2020. Only about 2.4 percent of the 
country's electricity is produced that way now.

Sen. Jeff Bingaman, D-N.M., the measure's chief sponsor, said the mandate is 
needed to stimulate expansion of fuel sources other than coal and natural gas. 
He said if his plan is enacted, greenhouse gas emissions from power plants will 
fall by nearly 7 percent from levels projected for 2020.

Opponents argued that some regions of the country couldn't meet the requirement 
and that it would cause electricity prices to increase in those areas, 
especially across the South.

By a 56-39 vote, senators rejected a GOP alternative that would have allowed 
utilities to meet the requirement by also building more nuclear power plants 
and taking conservation measures.

Republicans balked and refused to allow a vote on Bingaman's measure.

If the early going is any indicator, it looks like a bumpy path toward final 
approval for the energy bill before the Fourth of July recess as Senate 
Majority Leader Harry Reid of Nevada has promised.

It also became increasingly clear Thursday that there will be a tough fight 
over automobile fuel economy as a group of senators close to the auto industry 
unveiled their alternative proposal, which -- unlike a measure already in the 
energy bill -- they say automakers can achieve.

The substitute calls for increasing auto fuel economy by 30 percent to 36 miles 
per gallon by 2022 and for SUVs and small trucks to reach 30 mpg by 2025. ''It 
will force industry to bend and not break,'' Sen. Kit Bond, D-Mo., said. 
Currently in the bill: a more stringent fuel economy increase that the auto 
industry strongly opposes, to 35 mpg for both cars, SUVs and trucks by 2020 and 
4 percent higher each year after that.

Sen. John Warner, R-Va., prompted a sharp floor debate Thursday when he 
proposed allowing natural gas development in waters along the Atlantic coast 
where a drilling freeze has been in place for a quarter-century.

Warner, R-Va., wants the Senate to let his state seek a waiver from the 
Interior Department to the freeze. The plan brought a quick responses from 
senators from other coastal states.

Sen. Robert Menendez, D-N.J., said such drilling off Virginia ''could cause a 
ripple effect ... and the consequences can be very significant.'' He added, 
''This would leave other states helpless.

The debate on the renewable fuels proposal was equally divisive.

Senators from the South said utilities in their states could not meet the 15 
percent requirement because they lack the wind power and other renewable 
resources prominent elsewhere, especially the West.

''I'm not impressed with wind being the national energy source for America,'' 
said Sen. Pete Domenici, R-N.M., who led the opposition to the renewable fuels 
standard.

Twenty-three states have renewable fuels requirements; nine of them are equal 
or more aggressive than the proposal federal requirements.

But Bingaman said, ''You don't drive development of these technologies if it's 
up to each state to decide whether to participate.''

He rejected claims that some regions could not meet the mandate. The senator 
noted, for example, that much of the South has an abundance of trees and other 
plants to make biofuels as well as other renewables aside from wind.

The measure also would permit utilities that cannot find enough renewable 
sources to buy credits from other utilities that have exceeded the 15 percent 
or from the Energy Department, Bingaman said.

That did not sway Sen. Jeff Sessions, R-Ala.

He said that in his region, utilities would have no choice but to buy credits 
at 2 cents per kilowatt-hour and ''the cost is going to be very significant ... 
with nothing to show for it.''

The renewable fuels proposal has been the subject of intense lobbying by 
utilities. The Georgia-based Southern Co. has made killing the measure its 
legislative priority. Sessions said the Tennessee Valley Authority, which like 
Southern is a leading electricity provider in the South, estimated it would 
cost $410 million a year by 2020 for it to meet the 15 percent renewables.

Bingaman questioned those costs. He cited a report from the federal Energy 
Information Administration that said the renewable fuels requirement would add 
less than 1 percent to the cost of electricity in 2020 and cause natural gas 
costs to decline. The report also said the requirement would triple the use of 
biomass and increase the use of wind by 50 percent and solar cells by 500 
percent.

Critics of the bill disputed the agency's cost findings, saying it did not 
examine regional price increases.

 

(This above article also appeared in The Washington Post.  See an editorial by 
the Post below.)

 

THE WASHINGTON POST 

The Senate Energy Bill   Ignoring the 800-pound gorilla in the room

EDITORIAL       Thursday, June 14, 2007; A26

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/06/13/AR2007061301939.html

 

 

GIVEN THE alternative of doing nothing about global warming -- which President 
Bush and the Republican-led Congress excelled at for the past six years -- the 
flurry of activity on climate change in Washington is welcome. President Bush 
at least agreed at the recent Group of Eight summit in Germany to international 
talks on the topic, and the Democratic-led Senate is debating an energy bill 
designed in part to limit greenhouse gas emissions. But here's the problem with 
the latter: Nowhere in its 277 pages does the legislation even entertain the 
notion of incentives to curb greenhouse gas emissions, through a carbon tax or 
a cap-and-trade system or both.

There are useful provisions in the Senate bill, as well as some areas of 
concern. The drive for greater efficiency, with the federal government taking 
the lead, is good. For instance, the fleet of federal vehicles would have to 
reduce petroleum consumption by 20 percent by October 2015, and "all 
general-purpose lighting" in federal buildings would be switched to Energy Star 
products. The bill would push for the use of 36 billion gallons of renewable 
fuels in vehicles by 2022, and there would be an emphasis on creating that 
renewable fuel from plant material other than corn, such as switch grass, and 
from waste materials, such as crop residue and animal waste.

The requirement that automakers boost their fuel economy to 35 miles per gallon 
by 2020 also makes sense; senators in thrall to the auto industry shouldn't be 
allowed to weaken that provision. The funding devoted to testing carbon capture 
and sequestration -- where the carbon dioxide emitted from coal-powered plants 
would be stored underground, not released into the atmosphere -- is a good use 
of public money, as long as the expenditure is not supporting a foregone 
conclusion that sequestration is the answer to our prayers for a solution to 
global warming. The emerging coal-to-liquid movement, on the other hand, would 
be a sop to the coal industry that would pump more greenhouse gases into the 
atmosphere. That is not the way to go.

What Congress should do is find the courage to put a price on carbon and then 
let the market determine how best to limit emissions. With that, the United 
States -- the world's biggest emitter of carbon dioxide -- would finally start 
doing its part in the battle against global warming. Without a carbon tax or 
cap-and-trade system, or at least a serious debate about them, anything 
Washington does is tinkering around the edges -- expensive tinkering, perhaps, 
but tinkering nonetheless.

 

And a fairly sympathetic Post column with a much-needed splash of humor; I 
think the columnist would actually support stronger measures. 

 

A Wind-Powered Town, an Energy Bill and a Lot of Hot Air

By Dana Milbank   

 http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/06/14/AR2007061401876.html

 

Friday, June 15, 2007; A02

 

There's a certain irony in Washington's failure to devise a modern energy 
policy. This is, after all, the one place on earth that is powered almost 
entirely by wind.

Lawmakers are growing further apart on energy legislation, as Democrats demand 
alternative fuels and Republicans insist on more drilling. But for both sides, 
the ability to talk about energy is both plentiful and renewable.

While the Senate held its fourth day of debate on an energy bill, three 
congressional committees held hearings on the subject yesterday, and the House 
and Senate Renewable Energy Caucuses held an all-day "expo and forum" in the 
Cannon Caucus Room. Democratic senators held two news conferences on the 
subject, Republican senators held a third, and bipartisan groups of lawmakers 
contributed a fourth and fifth.

Not to be left out, the National Association for Business Economics, the 
U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, the Electric Power Supply 
Association, the Nuclear Energy Institute, and a coalition of environmentalists 
all hosted energy events of their own.

Talk about a large carbon footprint. The amount of CO2 emitted from the mouths 
of all these lawmakers, lobbyists and activists was enough to cause part of 
Greenland to melt into the sea.

"This bill's going to have a tough time," said Sen. Larry Craig (R-Idaho), 
demonstrating his mastery of the obvious at one of yesterday's many news 
conferences. "My guess is there are many hours of lengthy debate ahead." That's 
a safe guess, given that the Senate plans for about eight days of debate on the 
bill -- and Republicans such as Craig are hinting at a filibuster that could 
derail the whole thing.

"I don't think it's ever going to become law," Sen. Orrin Hatch (R-Utah) 
forecast after his own news conference, staged in front of two plug-in hybrid 
cars. "It's lamebrained." The courtly senator reconsidered. "I shouldn't call 
it lamebrained," he revised. "But that's how I feel."

Lamebrained or not, the Senate energy legislation is fairly modest. It stays 
away from radical policies, such as a carbon tax or a cap on carbon emissions. 
Its toughest provision, a plan to increase fuel-efficiency standards to 35 
miles per gallon by 2020, is under siege by a bipartisan group of lawmakers 
from car-manufacturing states.

"The Senate energy bill started out fairly weak, and we don't see the debate 
getting any better," complained Eric Pica, who represented Friends of the Earth 
at a protest by environmentalists on the Senate grounds yesterday.

The coalition of conservation groups had planned to dump a ton of coal on 
Senate parkland -- they had hauled the anthracite from Baltimore in a rented 
cargo van (12 miles per gallon). But Capitol Police objected, and the 
environmentalists had to settle for 20 small buckets of the stuff. "We're going 
to blacken our hands with the coal," one of the organizers offered the 
disappointed camera crews.

Minutes later, Republican lawmakers assembled in the Senate television gallery 
to voice similarly bitter objections to the bill -- for completely opposite 
reasons. "It doesn't do anything to lower the price of gasoline," argued Sen. 
Mitch McConnell (Ky.), the Senate Republican leader.

Next, Craig lamented a plan to produce 15 percent of the nation's electricity 
with renewable sources by 2020. The proposal "skews dramatically the reality of 
what a country can or cannot do," he said. "In the Southeastern states, this is 
a very big tax because they don't have wind."

It's unclear why the calm winds of the southeast would trouble a man from 
Idaho, but he warned that Republicans are "very concerned."

Did that message get out? Not without some difficulty. The Republican event was 
squeezed in between a Senate hearing on "the impact of rising gas prices," and 
a pair of House committee sessions on biofuels and "climate change mitigation." 
Within minutes of the GOP's departure from the television studio, Democrats 
walked in with a rebuttal.

"We do not believe in the president's theory, the Republicans' theory: Drill, 
drill, drill, more of the same," Harry Reid (D-Nev.), the Senate majority 
leader, taunted. "It reminds me of Iraq."

The senators displayed a chart contrasting two families: The energy-efficient 
"Baileys," who spend $1,600 a year less than the inefficient "Martins." "You 
notice it's not just any old chart," said Sen. Bob Casey (D-Pa.). "There are 
families mentioned on that chart."

His colleagues had forgotten to tell Casey that the Martins and the Baileys 
were fictitious.

The subject had been pretty much exhausted, but Sen. Amy Klobuchar (D-Minn.) 
wanted to add an anecdote about her own "Energy Star" light bulbs. "My husband 
first bought the wrong ones and so all of our hallways were blue," she said, 
"and my daughter said it looked like we were living in a bowling alley."

That line would have brought down the house over in the Cannon Caucus Room, 
where the renewable energy caucus was caucusing among displays of pea pellets, 
switch grass and filament-free light bulbs. Exhibitors were on hand to talk 
about landfill gas and to hand out lollipops and bumper stickers saying "I 
{heart} Wind Energy."

It was a festive gathering, but Rep. Roscoe Bartlett (R-Md.), a champion of 
renewable energy, delivered a somber message about progress in the capital. 
"We've been crawling at a snail's pace," he said. "We've been doing little more 
than nibbling at the edges."

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



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