Pelajaran dari Kenya
   
  Kenya Kikuyus, Long Dominant, Are Now Routed 
  NAKURU, Kenya — Kenya’s privileged tribe is on the run.
  Over the past few days, tens of thousands of Kikuyus, the tribe of Kenya’s 
president, have packed into heavily guarded buses to flee the western part of 
the country because of ethnic violence. On Sunday, endless convoys of buses — 
some with their windshields smashed by rocks — crawled across a landscape of 
scorched homes and empty farms. 
  It is nothing short of a mass exodus. The tribe that has dominated business 
and politics in Kenya since independence in 1963 is now being chased off its 
land by machete-wielding mobs made up of members of other tribes furious about 
the Dec. 27 election, which Kenya’s president, Mwai Kibaki, won under dubious 
circumstances. In some places, Kikuyus have been hunted down with bows and 
arrows.
  The hospital in Nakuru, a town in the Rift Valley, is full of Kikuyu men with 
deep ax wounds, fingers cut off and slash marks across their faces.
  "It was the Kalenjin," said Samuel Mburu, a Kikuyu farmer with rows of 
stitches in his head, when asked who had nearly killed him. The Kalenjin are 
one of the bigger tribes in the Rift Valley, and they have fought fiercely with 
the Kikuyus before, mostly over land.
  Many Kalenjin are unapologetic. Robert Tutuny, a Kalenjin farmer, stood on a 
hillside on Sunday with an iron bar in his hands and looked down at the charred 
remains of a Kikuyu village that was razed a week ago.
  "We hate these people," Mr. Tutuny said.
  The election — and the unresolved battle about who won — has ignited old 
tensions in Kenya, which in a week and a half has gone from being one of 
Africa’s most promising countries to another equatorial trouble zone.
  The political impasse continued Sunday, with Jendayi E. Frazer, the American 
assistant secretary of state for African affairs, meeting again with opposition 
leaders and government officials, but no resolution was in sight.
  The heavy fighting that claimed more than 300 lives last week has subsided 
and many people have gone back to work in the capital, Nairobi. There, people 
from different tribes live side by side and often work in the same office. They 
are aware of ethnic differences and sometimes joke about them, but it usually 
does not go further than that.
  But out here — where little towns rise from the veld like mirages and where 
there is so much wide-open space it seems incongruous to fight over land — 
these differences matter. A tribal war is shaping up between the Kalenjin, who 
mostly support Kenya’s opposition leaders, and the Kikuyus, who voted heavily — 
up to 98 percent in some areas — for the president. 
  Tens of thousands of Kikuyus are camped out at police stations and churches 
for protection, waiting for buses guarded by military escorts to evacuate them 
to the central highlands, the traditional Kikuyu homeland. There, amid the lush 
tea fields and rolling green hills, they are safe because almost everyone who 
lives in the highlands is Kikuyu.
  Ethnic conflict is now threatening the decades of stability that has set 
Kenya apart from so many of its neighbors, like Congo, Rwanda, Somalia and 
Sudan. But Kenya has struggled with ethnic violence before. Its rare bursts 
usually come around election time.
  "You have to understand that these issues are much deeper than ethnic," said 
Maina Kiai, chairman of the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights. 
  "They are political," he said, and "they go back to land."
  The last time the Rift Valley was this violent was in 1992, another election 
year in Kenya and a time of turbulent transition between dictatorship and 
democracy. Kalenjin militias, stirred up by politicians who told them that the 
valley was Kalenjin ancestral land, massacred hundreds of Kikuyus in a bid to 
steal their farms. 
  Since then, Mr. Kiai said, "Emotions have been festering, resentments have 
been building and we sat around pretending ethnicity didn’t exist."
   
  Kenya has more than 40 tribes, but the Kikuyus have almost always been on 
top. They run shops, restaurants, banks and factories across the country. One 
reason Mr. Kibaki has engendered so much resentment from other tribes is 
because many of the top officials in his government — including the ministers 
of defense, justice, finance and internal security — are Kikuyus.
  The Kikuyus are the biggest tribe in Kenya but far from a majority, at 22 
percent of the population. The Kalenjins make up about 12 percent.
   
  In the Rift Valley, the anti-Kikuyu grudge goes back to independence, when 
the British government bought out Britons who owned huge, picturesque farms. 
But instead of redistributing that land to the impoverished people who had 
lived here for centuries, like the Kalenjin and Masai, the newly formed Kenyan 
government, led by Jomo Kenyatta, a Kikuyu, gave much of it to Kikuyus from 
other areas.
  Most of the Kikuyus here are hardly rich. The men lying on bloody sheets at 
the Nakuru hospital are emaciated farmers with threadbare clothes. The same 
goes for the Kikuyus who have been slaughtered by gangs of opposing tribes in 
Nairobi’s slums, causing an exodus from there, too. They lived in iron shanties 
just as their non-Kikuyu neighbors do. 
  But in many cases, the Kikuyus own kiosks or small patches of land or they 
are related to someone who does, and that makes them a little better off by 
local standards.
  "Land is very important to us," said Anthony Kirunga, a Kikuyu, who sells 
spare car parts in Nakuru. "It’s not our fault that other people are jealous."
  This election stirred up anti-Kikuyu jealousies like never before. Raila 
Odinga, the top opposition candidate and a member of the Luo tribe, built his 
campaign on a promise to end Kikuyu favoritism and share the fruits of Kenya’s 
growing economy with all tribes. 
  Early election results had him way ahead and his party winning the most seats 
in Parliament. But at the 11th hour of the vote-tallying process last Sunday, 
Mr. Kibaki surged. Election observers have said the president’s party rigged 
the results to stay in power.
  Millions of opposition supporters across Kenya were outraged. Not only did 
their candidate lose, but it also seemed to them that their system, which until 
the election had been celebrated as one of the most vibrant democracies in 
Africa, had cheated them. 
  In western Kenya, where Kikuyus are vastly outnumbered, they became easy 
targets. In Kisumu, the third-largest city in the country, Luos went on a 
rampage, burning down Kikuyu shops and ransacking the downtown. 
  In the Rift Valley, Kalenjin gangs stormed Kikuyu farms. Police officers 
seemed reluctant to intervene. Dozens of Kikuyus were massacred, including up 
to 50 women and children hiding in a church who were burned alive. What has 
kept the death toll from rising even higher is the fact that few people here 
have guns; most of the clashes have been fought with clubs, knives and stones. 
  Jeremiah Mukuna, 75, a Kikuyu farmer, was attacked by a Kalenjin mob last 
Monday while he was sitting on the porch of his shack, his family said. His 
head was split open with an ax. On Sunday, he lay in a coma in the Nakuru 
hospital, taking short, shallow breaths.
  His wife, Grace, said she was leaving the Rift Valley.
  "I will never come back," she said.
   
  www.nytimes.com/2008/01/07/world/africa/07kenya
  By JEFFREY GETTLEMAN 
  Published: January 7, 2008
   
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