Marshal of AF is equv to Field Marshal of Army

Air Commodore Jasjit Singh's book on Marshal Arjan Singh is reviewed in
Indian Express

http://www.indianex press.com/ news/that- sixties-show/
450822/0<http://www.indianexpress.com/news/that-sixties-show/450822/0>
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That Sixties Show
B.G. Verghese <http://www.indianexpress.com/columnist/bgverghese/>
Posted: Sunday
, Apr 26, 2009 at 1434 hrs IST
***The ICON
Jasjit Singh
KW Publishers, Rs 880*
*A new biography of Arjan Singh sheds light on the 1962 and 1965 wars*

Military history makes fascinating reading, especially as told by the
warriors themselves. There has been little of this in India and even anodyne
official histories have come out years after the event on grounds of
official secrecy, thus allowing the other side, if it so desired, to
embroider the facts to its advantage.

The Icon not only tells the story of a great air warrior and gentleman, but
also helps put the record straight in respect of certain matters pertaining
to the 1962 and ’65 wars. With his proud and daring record of service, Arjan
Singh rose rapidly and was Air Officer Administration at AHQ from 1961 to
1963. The military had seen war coming after the Dalai Lama’s flight to
India in 1959 and the commencement in earnest of Chinese assertions to its
territorial claims onIndia. V.K. Krishna Menon, as defence minister, ruled
out war thus fostering unpreparedness for the challenge to come even as
Pakistan was rearming and modernising weapons with US assistance. Whatever
little attention was given went to the army and there was no joint planning
for the looming Himalayan war. Yet, the IAF played a notable role in
logistical support and air supply in the most forbidding terrain. There was,
however, no intelligence assessment and analysis of the possible use of air
power on either side and the Defence Committee of the Cabinet had not met
since 1959!

In 1962, the IAF was denied an air combat role in the belief that this would
be escalatory and provoke Chinese retaliation by interdicting our air supply
and bombing Calcutta and other eastern cities. The option of air
interdiction of Chinese supply lines in Tibet was simply not considered. The
field army had sought air support but the government looked away and,
without reference to the IAF, approached the US for the loan of 12 F-104
fighter squadrons and two squadrons of B-57 bombers. The US responded by
suggesting a joint US-India-UK-Australia air exercise, Shiksha, which showed
up the essential shortages, including radars, that needed to be addressed.
Arjan Singh was part of this effort and the subsequent (somewhat airy)
decision in ’63 to expand the IAF to a 64-squadron force.

Scenting military and political disarray in India after the 1962 debacle and
Nehru’s illness, Pakistani president Ayub Khan, driven by his foreign
minister, the ambitious Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, planned a diversionary strike
in the Rann of Kutch, using its newly acquired Starfighters and Patton
tanks. The idea was probably to draw Indian troops south and then deliver
the major blow it had planned in J&K through a guerrilla feint, Operation
Gibraltar, a pretext to launch Operation Grand Slam to take Akhnur and move
on Srinagar.

India cut its losses in the Rann, preferring to accede to arbitration, and
trying to buy time to rebuild its forces. Arjan Singh had become air chief
by now and recounts receiving a telephone call from his Pakistani
counterpart, Asghar Khan, cleverly proposing both air forces refrain from
flying over the “disputed” area of Kanjarkot (held by India) in order to
prevent futile escalation. Arjan Singh reported this to defence minister
Y.B. Chavan and the other chiefs.

The US refusal to admonish Pakistan for the misuse of its Starfighters and
Pattons in Kutch and India’s accepting arbitration were read by Bhutto and
Ayub as signaling that J&K was perhaps ripe for picking. They did not heed
prime minister Lal Bahadur Shastri’s warning that if Pakistan persisted in
aggression, India would choose the time and place for retaliation. On April
29, 1965, the army chief got clearance from the PM for such a retaliatory
strike in Punjab, but the air force and navy were, again, kept out of the
loop. There was no joint planning. The army, from its World War II
experience, assumed that the IAF’s role was automatically to provide air
support to the ground forces and little more.

Arjan Singh was consulted by Shastri. In response to queries put to him, the
air chief replied that the IAF should be allowed to launch a full-scale
attack that would surprise the enemy and inflict heavy damage on the
Pakistan Air Force (PAF). He also sought permission to take out the PAF in
East Bengal without fear of Chinese reprisals or damaging air attacks on
Calcutta. Both options were put on hold with the result that the small PAF
detachment in East Pakistan did considerable damage to our aircraft at
Kalaikunda while the PAF found sanctuary in Peshawar and elsewhere in West
Pakistan that were off limits and where aircraft reinforcements were ferried
from Iran, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, all US allies operating aircraft similar to
those in the PAF inventory.

Lack of joint planning was again sadly evident when the Indian Chhamb
Brigade took the full weight of Pakistan’s Grand Slam offensive on September
1. The Brigade called for air support at 11 a.m. but the message was not
passed on to the air force and was finally cleared by the defence minister
at 4.45 p.m. The IAF was in action over Chhamb within 30 minutes and by last
light flew as many as 26 sorties. Pakistan’s armoured column and massed
infantry suffered considerable attrition and its offensive was blunted.

There were tensions within the army and at a high-level meeting, Lt.-Gen.
M.S. Pathania, Sten gun in hand, rebuked the army chief, General J.N.
Chaudhuri, causing Arjan Singh to walk up to him and tell him to cool down.
Pakistan later claimed it won the air war in 1965, a view the official
Indian history partly endorses. Speaking through Arjan Singh, The Icon
rebuts this with facts and figures to show that the IAF outperformed the PAF
in vital parameters of air warfare.

There was some nervousness about Chinese reactions in support of Pakistan.
They did indulge in some sabre-rattling at Nathu-La. Arjan Singh’s personal
diary records his reaction. He felt China’s fighting capabilities were
overrated in the context of 1962 when “we just did not fight; we only
withdrew in panic…. This time we should be in a position to give them a good
pounding from the air. We are better placed to do that than they are. PM is
firm but some of his colleagues are nervous”. The CAS was also sore about
having his hands tied in East Pakistan and not being able to attack PAF’s
rear bases in West Pakistan. Ultimately, permission was granted and Peshawar
and Kohat were bombed with good results. The PAF had no place to hide. It
grew “timid” and was content to hit and run, as Arjan Singh privately noted.

What comes through in The Icon is the failure to recognise the full combat
and interdiction role of the IAF and the failure of higher defence
management. Imagine, the IAF air support was not sought on the first day of
the army’s Punjab offensive! Have the lessons been learnt? Yes and no. A
beginning has been made with integrated defence planning but jointness is
still debated. Arjan Singh was a dynamic warrior who truly earned his
marshal’s baton. Let his minister, Chavan have the last word: “When he is
asked to go ahead on a new task, CAS even walks as a dancing bird. A real
fighting Sikh. And yet how soft and gentle.”

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