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---------- Forwarded message ----------**From: *MJ Jacob***
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 *Subject:* LIFTING THE LID : Defense Minister Antony.

   *LIFTING THE LID*
*- A.K. Antony and the problem of corruption*
 *Diplomacy*: K.P. Nayar Kolkata Telegraph

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1120411/jsp/opinion/story_15356374.jsp#.T4XIqFGon6s

“Will Minister Antony resign?” More than any other, this is the one
question that I have been asked by Americans in recent weeks about the
defence minister who has been in the news for the better part of this year.
Most of the people asking this question have some connection with the
military-industrial complex in the United States of America or the
country’s defence and strategic community.

The reality, howsoever unpalatable, is that few defence ministers can
survive after incurring the personal displeasure of an American defence
secretary, unless they are defence ministers in Russia and China or in
countries like Iran or North Korea, which are in various stages of
confrontation with the US.

A.K. Antony attracted the wrath of the Obama administration last year by
his determined refusal to receive the then defence secretary, Robert Gates,
who tried to inject himself into a US delegation that was to travel to
India for the second round of the “strategic dialogue” between New Delhi
and Washington. Gates wanted to lobby with Antony on behalf of American
companies, which were then in the running for 126 medium multi-role combat
aircraft being sought by the Indian air force, the biggest military
aviation deal hitherto.

Antony made it clear to his cabinet colleagues, who were persuaded by the
secretary of state, Hillary Clinton, to plead the case of the Pentagon’s
civilian head, that if Gates arrived with Clinton he would go to the
remotest location in Kerala where even his mobile phone had no signal for
the duration of the American’s stay in New Delhi. Kerala was then in the
middle of its state assembly election campaign, which gave Antony enough of
an excuse to be in his home state.

The defence secretary did not give up. Gates used the ruse that he was
demitting office in July and that he wanted to make a farewell call on
Antony: at that point, April was being considered for the strategic
dialogue, which eventually had to be postponed because of the defence
minister’s insistence that he will not meet Gates as long as the aircraft
contract was at a sensitive stage in the acquisition process.

Pentagon officials have told reporters on background that “the defence
secretary was informed that it would be suicidal” for Antony to meet Gates
and that this message was conveyed by Indian diplomats in Washington, who
were negotiating the strategic dialogue arrangements with the Obama
administration at that time.

At the end of April 2011, American companies were eliminated from the race
for the multi-role combat planes, the US ambassador, Timothy Roemer,
resigned the next day, and Gates lost any further interest in making his
farewell call on Antony. The strategic dialogue eventually took place in
July last year without a top-level defence participation.

After an unstated policy of having no ministerial exchanges in defence for
50 years — except on a solitary occasion, that too botched — US defence
secretaries have lately taken exceptional interest in their Indian
counterparts and senior Indian ministers in the last decade. The most
famous of such exchanges was when Donald Rumsfeld, who was predecessor to
Gates, called on the deputy prime minister, L.K. Advani, at his hotel on a
Sunday in a well publicized effort to highlight a new chemistry in their
ties.

Rumsfeld felt somewhat proprietary about the new defence relationship that
the administration of George W. Bush considerably advanced with India, but
luckily for New Delhi, he did not stay at the Pentagon long enough to see
Washington’s hope of bagging the much-sought-after combat aircraft deal
crumble into dust. There is no saying how the mercurial Rumsfeld would have
reacted to such a disappointment. Gates, a man of great dignity, took the
setback in his stride, at least in public.
The Pentagon is not alone in being disgruntled by Antony’s ways. He has
consistently refused to visit Israel, which interchangeably shares the
first or second spots with Russia among the sources of arms imports for
India.

As if to add injury to insult, last month the defence ministry blacklisted
Israel Military Industries for 10 years for allegedly paying bribes to
secure contracts in India. IMI is not just another arms-seller. It is owned
by the government in Tel Aviv, a leading weapons manufacturer for Israel’s
defence forces.

It was not expected that Tel Aviv will take the ban lying down.
Additionally, the ban by Antony’s ministry has cast a shadow over plans by
the Netanyahu government to privatize IMI. There are now question marks
about the timing of the privatization: if the world’s number one arms buyer
— India — has found IMI unsuitable to do business with, it could have
ramifications for investors seeking to buy into the company.

Those familiar with New Delhi’s lay of the land in such matters were not,
therefore, surprised when grumblings of discontent, which began as whispers
after Antony rebuffed Gates, grew louder following the rejection of
American bids for the multi-role combat aircraft. It was not entirely
unexpected that after the decision against the Israelis, Antony would be
put in a spot by a steady flow of news stories and purportedly thoughtful
op-ed articles.

The Americans and the Israelis are not alone in being at the receiving end
of Antony’s efforts in full throttle to do what he can to curb corruption
in defence purchases and create a level playing field. Singapore is a
country with which India enjoys a relationship that is totally free of
trouble. That has not, however, prevented Antony from banning Singapore
Technologies Kinetics from future contracts for a decade.

This land systems and specialty vehicles company has launched an all out
bid to clear its name, including recourse to the Supreme Court. It has also
threatened to seek international arbitration, creating an irritant in
bilateral relations.

Russian defence suppliers who have had a free run of New Delhi’s
procurement process for many decades have similarly been slapped with
punitive sanctions as part of Antony’s anti-graft drive. The defence
minister has further angered Swiss, South African and many more arms
manufacturers, lining up a formidable array of forces, all of which would
be glad to see him move out of his present job.

Typically, nobody is criticizing Antony for cracking down on corruption.
Instead, the strategy of those who want him out of the way is to attack
Antony for slowing down the modernization of the armed forces by creating
bottlenecks in arms purchases, and for creating a trust deficit between the
civilian and uniformed segments of the defence establishment. All in all,
the effort is to show up the defence minister as a man incapable of running
an enterprise as vast and complex as the one for which he is tasked with
providing leadership.

The age controversy about General V.K. Singh, the army chief, was the best
thing that Antony’s detractors could have hoped for. Unfortunately for the
defence minister, both propriety and constitutionality demand that he
cannot truthfully tell his side of the story.

For instance, Antony personally believes that the army chief is not lying
about his age and that General Singh was born in 1951. Similarly, the
General has been a steadfast ally of Antony in what the latter is trying to
do about corruption in the defence establishment. It may be a hard idea to
sell, especially after a sensational story about troop movements, but the
personal warmth and respect for each other between Antony and Singh are
nothing short of total. Which is why there has been no move to dismiss the
army chief or get him to resign. Even though Antony believes that General
Singh made a mistake about his date of birth, an episode from his own past
prevents Antony from doing anything about it except to follow the letter of
the law. Antony was chief minister of Kerala when a similar controversy
dogged the state government.

Raman Srivastava, an Indian Police Service officer of the Kerala cadre who
became director-general of the state police and later headed the Border
Security Force, was at the centre of this controversy. A mere five months
separate him and his brother, Vikram Srivastava, an IPS officer of the
Uttar Pradesh cadre, who became director-general of the Central Reserve
Police Force: a biological impossibility since both the brothers were born
of the same mother.

As chief minister, Antony did not allow the Kerala cadre officer to change
his date of birth. There is no way he would have acted any differently with
General Singh. What is more, it is Antony’s estimate that there are at
least 3,000 such cases of incorrect birthdays in government service
records. That is a Pandora’s Box, which is best left shut.



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