Sir the issue is 2 pronged; land buying; Poppy cultivation minting money is
being banned and burnt. Expansion of the reserved forest territory is not
feasible since poppy cultivation will grow, spoiling the local economy.
China, Mamta and congress and most of all the world level christianity,
make hay while SUN shines. BJP is ruling with the meitei population votes
who want ST status which is not feasible since they form 53%. KUKI has a
vested interest in Poppy.  Christianity conversion is affecting the growth.
BJP is laying down a solution without affecting the dent in between the
groups. The Indian Army is doing the best friendship act. The grievance is
only for the cong and Mamta. Now factual reports:

MANIPUR ISSUES 2023

1   The BJP Chief Minister’s tough stance against what he calls
encroachment of reserved and protected forest areas in the hills of Manipur
by tribal communities stems from various causes, including the fact that
many acres of land in the hills are being used for poppy cultivation. The
government sees its crackdown on forest areas as part of a bigger war
against drugs, but it is also guilty of using “drug lords” as a blanket
term against all Kuki people.

2    Secondly, there is serious pressure on land in Manipur. As populations
increase in the tribal villages, they tend to spread out into surrounding
forest areas, which they consider their historical and ancestral right.
This is contested by the government. Simultaneously, the Meitei, who live
in the valleys, are angry because they are not allowed to settle or buy
land in the hill areas, while tribal people can buy land in the valleys.

3  The government in Manipur, regardless of which party comes to power, has
always been dominated by plainsmen Meiteis, who account for about 53 per
cent of the state's population and live mostly in irregular oval-shaped
Imphal Valley.

Since May 3, the northeastern Indian state of Manipur has witnessed
repeated inter-ethnic clashes primarily between two local ethnic
communities, the Meitei and Kuki. The violence has resulted in over 75
deaths and the burning of at least 1,700 buildings
<https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/may/09/indian-villages-burned-ethnic-violence>
(including
homes and religious sites). More than 35,000 people
<https://apnews.com/article/india-northeast-ethnic-clashes-74370f5dd1a57300f4e3bdf33cf74361>
are
currently displaced as well, with many now living in one of the 315 relief
camps
<https://www.outlookindia.com/national/manipur-violence-sc-asks-state-government-to-file-fresh-report-on-relief-rehabilitation-efforts-news-286956>
in
the state. As the fighting continues, these numbers may also be rising.

The state government response has largely echoed the strategies India has
previously employed during unrest in the Northeast or Jammu and Kashmir.
This has included issuing military curfews, suspending internet services
and deploying approximately
<https://thewire.in/politics/manipur-additional-troops-deployed-to-mixed-kuki-meitei-areas-after-fresh-tensions>
17,000
troops and paramilitary forces with shoot-on-site
<https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/shoot-at-sight-order-from-govt-in-extreme-cases-in-violence-hit-manipur-101683201742814.html>
orders
in effect for “extreme cases.”

While the violence in Manipur is some of the worst witnessed in the state
in decades, it is not an unfamiliar occurrence in India’s Northeast, where
the identities of different ethnic communities have repeatedly been
weaponized to serve the interests of a powerful few. Any moves toward
peacebuilding in the medium- to long-term will have to reckon with what has
long been a weaponization of colonial fault lines.

Manipur, which means “Land of Jewels,” consists of a valley surrounded by
mountain ranges. The state is home to 39 ethnic communities following
different faiths, including Hinduism, Christianity and Islam, as well as
Indigenous religious traditions such as Sanamahi. Opposition to the manner
of Manipur’s merger with India in 1949 laid the groundwork for the nascent
stages of resistance and separatist movements and remains at the heart of
the dispute between New Delhi and many restive portions of the Northeast.

To quell this resistance, the Indian government imposed the controversial
Armed Forces Special Powers Act in 1958. The act
<https://www.mha.gov.in/sites/default/files/2023-04/AFSPA%201958_11042023_0.pdf>
provides
broad-based powers for the military and paramilitary groups to “[maintain]
public order,” in “disturbed areas,” which have been primarily applied to
regions of the Northeast and Jammu and Kashmir.

The act has been criticized
<https://frontline.thehindu.com/the-nation/disturbing-act-the-history-of-afspa-in-the-north-eastern-region/article65274578.ece>
by
rights groups and contributed to a deep trust deficit between the state and
central government in Manipur, while the central government argues it has
been necessary for maintaining order in areas with a history of insurgency
— some predating
<https://www.stimson.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/TheWellingtonExperience-SA-100820-WEB.pdf#page=88>
India’s
independence. In the Northeast (and elsewhere), the central government has
also emphasized the threat
<https://thediplomat.com/2020/12/china-aiding-rebel-groups-in-indias-northeast-report/>
of
foreign support for separatist movements. [CHINA?]

Today, the region features multiple conflicting claims to ethnic and
communal homelands — and armed insurgent groups to defend those claims. In
Manipur, there are at least four valley-based armed groups, several Naga
groups and nearly 30
<https://indianexpress.com/article/explained/explained-politics/what-is-the-soo-agreement-manipur-govt-withdrew-from-8494829/>
Kuki
armed insurgent organizations. The proliferation of armed groups — at one
point estimated to stand at around 60 — contributed to the sense of a “war
within a war
<https://www.amazon.in/Fractured-Frontier-Conflict-Narcotics-Proliferation/dp/8170998638/ref=sr_1_2?qid=1684980723&refinements=p_27%3ABinalakshmi+Nepram&s=books&sr=1-2>”
in the state.

Those closely connected with political power took advantage of the
tumultuous situation, [congress] and the state became the site of rampant
gun-running and narco- and human-trafficking. Armed groups frequently back
candidates
<https://scroll.in/article/916961/manipurs-ethnic-divisions-mean-candidates-are-likely-need-support-of-armed-groups-to-win-elections>
in
state elections. In 2022, two Kuki insurgent groups issued statements
<https://www.outlookindia.com/national/manipur-in-these-tribal-constituencies-insurgents-bat-for-bjp--news-184464>
in
support of the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP), and in 2019 images on social
media reportedly
<https://www.news18.com/news/politics/in-a-first-manipuri-insurgents-write-to-amit-shah-seek-ticket-for-favoured-bjp-leader-2062923.html>
showed
a letter written by armed groups to Indian Home Minister Amit Shah asking
for a party ticket to be given to a candidate of their choice — although
the armed group later disputed this.

Northeast politicians
<https://www.thehindu.com/elections/manipur-assembly/extremist-groups-intimidating-our-manipur-candidates-says-national-peoples-party/article38406697.ece>
have
reported intimidation by opposing armed groups, and civil society
organizations in Manipur emphasized that the 2022 elections were
overshadowed by “open intimidation
<https://www.outlookindia.com/magazine/national/manipur-maelstrom-why-is-the-northeast-state-witnessing-poll-violence--magazine-184911>”
from militant groups [BJP RETALIATIONS] and violence
<https://thefrontiermanipur.com/manipur-2022-ycm-team-finds-higher-voter-turnout-in-constituencies-with-candidates-having-money-and-muscle-power/>
across
polling stations. This has led to “democracy at gunpoint” in this fragile
region.

The most recent violence began after the Manipur High Court asked the state
government to consider Scheduled Tribe status for the Meitei community, which
is the majority population in Manipur. This status would ensure protection
within the Indian Constitution and allow the Meitei expanded access to
benefits, including reserved seats in government.

The Meitei community in Manipur had long requested
<https://scroll.in/article/1047865/why-manipurs-tribes-are-alarmed-by-court-push-for-scheduled-tribe-status-for-the-meitei-community>
this
status. However, there were strong concerns that such a move would deepen
ethnic divisions, particularly with the Kuki and Naga Indigenous communities.
Indeed, soon after the court announcement, a rally was held in protest by
the All-Tribal Students Union of Manipur on May 3.

The violence began that same day, when reports surfaced that the Anglo-Kuki
War Memorial Gate had been burnt down. This led Kukis to burn several
villages inhabited by Meitei communities in Churachanpur, which in turn
prompted retaliation by the Meitei, who reportedly torched several
localities belonging to the Kuki community in the Imphal Valley areas,
leading to several casualties.

While the protests may be identified as the most immediate trigger of
violence in Manipur, intra-Indigenous community tensions had been rising in
the state for several years. The current state government’s handling of
Indigenous land rights issues, for instance, has been perceived as targeting
<https://frontline.thehindu.com/news/what-is-really-behind-the-violence-in-manipur/article66820969.ece>
the
Kuki communities primarily living in the hill areas surrounding the capital
valley. [CONGRESS ALLEGATION SINCE KUKI CANNOT COMPLAIN AGAINST THE BJP]
Efforts to survey
<https://scroll.in/article/1049442/interview-biren-singh-pushed-rash-policies-in-manipur-added-to-kuki-resentment>
reserved
forests in the hill regions was said to be an effort to reduce poppy
cultivation, but has resulted in evictions
<https://theprint.in/ground-reports/they-came-with-6-jcbs-how-eviction-of-a-tiny-village-sparked-fires-across-manipur/1576547/>
in
Kuki villages.

Meanwhile, another point of contention is the current land imbalance
between Indigenous communities: Meiteis cannot buy lands in the previously
mentioned hill regions, but Kukis and other tribal communities can buy
lands in the valley.

Additionally, the influx of refugees
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/05/26/india-violence-manipur-myanmar/>
following
the 2021 military coup in neighbouring Myanmar — particularly those from
Sagaing region, who have strong ties with the Kukis — has also created a
greater sense of insecurity for the Meitei Indigenous community. Though the
real decision-making in the conflict lies with those who control the guns,
drugs and politics, the ones most affected in both the communities are
women and children. The identities of different ethnic communities were
weaponized in the current conflict to suit the agenda of a few.

While getting reliable information from Manipur has been difficult, images
and reports from the state portray an ongoing “war zone,” with heavily
armed militants continuing to roam, villagers arming themselves and a sharp
deterioration
<https://theprint.in/india/mute-spectators-bishnupur-women-block-security-forces-after-fresh-violence-in-manipur-villages/1592671/>
in
trust between citizens, governance and security.

Social media posts that manage to circumvent the internet blackout are
often rife with messages of hate, division and desolation. Prices of
essential commodities are skyrocketing and trucks carrying food, medicine
and essential supplies have been left stranded
<https://northeastlivetv.com/around-ne/manipur-facing-shortage-of-life-saving-drugs-trucks/>.
While it is unclear at this point how the conflict will evolve in the
short-term, two trends are of particular importance to watch:

*Response of the Indian State. *At the start of the violence, there was a
notable silence from the central government. This elicited criticism
from opposition
parties
<https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/mamata-banerjee-bjp-manipur-violence-the-kerala-story-karnataka-election-101683544896451.html>,
which have accused the BJP of focusing more on the upcoming elections
<https://www.telegraphindia.com/india/rahul-gandhi-blames-politics-of-hate-for-ongoing-violence-in-manipur/cid/1935101>
and
using silence to foster violence.

With the violence ongoing for nearly one month, India’s Home Minister Amit
Shah did recently arrive in Manipur for a four-day visit aimed at
<https://www.outlookindia.com/national/manipur-welcomes-union-home-minister-amit-shah-s-visit-to-restore-peace-amidst-violence-news-290430>
“restoring
normalcy” to the state, while India’s chief of army staff also recently
visited
<https://theprint.in/india/chief-of-army-staff-general-manoj-pande-calls-on-manipur-governor/1598173/>
Manipur
to assess the situation. At a press conference
<https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/manipur-violence-panel-led-by-retired-hc-judge-to-probe-cases-says-amit-shah/article66918781.ece>
in
Manipur on June 1, Shah announced that a judicial probe that would
“investigate the violence” on behalf of the central government, led by
<https://scroll.in/latest/1050164/manipur-violence-centre-forms-investigation-panel-led-by-former-high-court-judge>
a
retired High Court judge. He further announced
<https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/manipur-violence-panel-led-by-retired-hc-judge-to-probe-cases-says-amit-shah/article66918781.ece>
the
creation a peace committee between members of different communities, additional
fencing on the Myanmar border, and called for the return of an estimated 1,420
weapons looted from local police since the start of the clashes.

The ongoing violence, however, will be a key determining factor in whether
these commitments can be met. Amid the chaos on the ground, armed groups
continue to exploit the situation, while others have raised concerns
<https://thefrontiermanipur.com/70-armed-cadres-of-myanmars-pdf-are-at-haolenphai-village-tengnoupal-district-says-ipfm/>
of
cross-border attacks. Given the concerns and promises to expand border
fencing, India will likely need to engage with its neighbours in the region
if the violence continues.

*Reconciliation Prospects. *Several communities in the state and the region
are holding peace and prayer meetings, religious leaders have called for
peace, and others have called for the establishment
<https://thewire.in/rights/womens-groups-from-across-northeast-appeal-for-peace-in-manipur>
of
a Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Women’s groups across northeast
India have issued appeals and formed “Mothers Peace Committees” in various
localities.

Ending the current violence and fostering long-term reconciliation efforts,
however, are fundamentally two different — although interlinked — ends. Any
reconciliation must contend with the legacies of violence from multiple
insurgencies and the often-heavy-handed responses by the government, which
have contributed to lasting trauma within the state.

Across all communities, the people in Manipur have suffered immensely for
years as they saw their rice fields turned into battlefields and peace be
taken away by a few power-hungry people who have engineered division and
sown violence. Citizen-centric dialogues and engaging civil society will be
key to addressing decades of deep distrust and historical hurt that have
polarized Indigenous communities across the region. Indigenous peace-making
initiatives, truth-telling and forgiveness ceremonies could be a wat to
start to soothe the fractured hearts and minds of communities who have
lived through violence for decades. Women in peacebuilding is also needed,
to begin what will be a long process of building responsive governance and
transparency in the region.

*Binalakshmi Nepram is a senior advisor for USIP’s religion and inclusive
societies team.*

 KR  IRS   24 6 23

On Sat, 24 Jun 2023 at 01:40, Markendeya Yeddanapudi <
[email protected]> wrote:

> Obviously our secular tolerance which means allowing Hindus to be killed
> etc.
> YM
>
> On Sat, Jun 24, 2023 at 12:04 PM Rajaram Krishnamurthy <
> [email protected]> wrote:
>
>> Why is it burning sir?
>>
>> On Fri, 23 Jun 2023 at 21:54, Markendeya Yeddanapudi <
>> [email protected]> wrote:
>>
>>>
>>> For us here the burning,arson,killings etc in Manipur are just minor
>>> news.None of us is emotionally touched.Our diversity has made us
>>> indifferent to the plight of those distant from us.We felt very secular and
>>> tolerant,actually lectured about tolerance when the pundits of Kashmir were
>>> subjected to genocide,the neighbours actually participating in the attacks.
>>> YM
>>>
>>> --
>>> *Mar*
>>>
>>> --
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>>> <https://groups.google.com/d/msgid/thatha_patty/CACDCHC%2BM0MuFXAazC4vsqD6mHUQPbLZ%2BmpogaN0mp4vcvNRDCw%40mail.gmail.com?utm_medium=email&utm_source=footer>
>>> .
>>>
>>
>
> --
> *Mar*
>

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