OMENS AND THE SUPERSTITIONS OF INDIA AND THE SOUTH CONTD PART 31124  K
RAJARAM IRS

 VIII

Magic and Human Life

Some of the cases here brought together serve as an illustration of the
difficulty which frequently arises in arriving at a decision as to how far
the taking of human life is justified as being carried out in accordance
with a genuine superstitious belief, and when the act renders the
perpetrator thereof liable to punishment under the Indian Penal Code.

 Five persons were charged a few years ago at the Coimbatore sessions with
the murder of a young woman. The theory put forward by the prosecution was
that two of the accused practised sorcery, and were under the delusion
that, if they could obtain the fœtus from the uterus of a woman who was
carrying her first child, they would be able to work some wonderful spells
with it. With this object, they entered into a conspiracy with the three
other accused to murder a young married woman, aged about seventeen, who
was seven months advanced in pregnancy, and brutally murdered her, cutting
open the uterus, removing the fœtus contained therein, and stealing her
jewels. The five accused persons (three men and two women) were all of
different castes. Two of the men had been jointly practising sorcery for
some years. It was proved that, about two years before, they had performed
an incantation near a river with some raw beef, doing pūja (worship) near
the water’s edge in a [225]state of nature. Evidence was produced to prove
that two of the accused decamped after the murder with a suspicious bundle,
a few days before an eclipse of the moon, to Tiruchengōdu where there is a
celebrated temple. It was suggested that the bundle contained the uterus,
and was taken to Tiruchengōdu for the purpose of performing magical rites.
When the quarters in which two of the accused lived were searched, three
palm-leaf books were found containing mantrams regarding the pilli suniyam,
a process of incantation by means of which sorcerers are supposed to be
able to kill people. The record of the case states that “there can be
little doubt that the first and fourth accused were taken into the
conspiracy in order to decoy the deceased. The inducement offered to them
was most probably immense wealth by the working of charms by the second and
third accused with the aid of the fœtus. The medical evidence showed that
the dead woman was pregnant, and that, after her throat had been cut, the
uterus was taken out.”

 In 1829, several Natives of Malabar were charged with having proceeded, in
company with a Paraiyan magician, to the house of a pregnant woman, who was
beaten and otherwise ill-treated, and with having taken the fœtus out of
her uterus, and introduced in lieu thereof the skin of a calf and an
earthen pot. The prisoners confessed before the police, but were acquitted
mainly on the ground that the earthen pot was of a size which rendered it
impossible to credit its introduction during life. The Paraiyas of Malabar
and Cochin are celebrated for their magical powers, and the practice of odi.

 “There are,” Mr Govinda Nambiar writes,1 “certain specialists among
mantravādis (dealers in magical spells), [226]who are known as Odiyans.
Conviction is deep-rooted that they have the power of destroying whomever
they please, and that, by means of a powerful bewitching matter called
pilla thilum (oil extracted from the body of an infant), they are enabled
to transform themselves into any shape or form, or even to vanish into air,
as their fancy may suggest. When an Odiyan is hired to cause the death of a
man, he waits during the night at the gate of his intended victim’s house,
usually in the form of a bullock. If, however, the person is inside the
house, the Odiyan assumes the shape of a cat, enters the house, and induces
him to come out. He is subsequently knocked down and strangled. The Odiyan
is also credited with the power, by means of certain medicines, of inducing
sleeping persons to open the doors, and come out of their houses as
somnambulists do. Pregnant women are sometimes induced to come out of their
houses in this way, and they are murdered, and the fœtus extracted from
them. Murder of both sexes by Odiyans was a crime of frequent occurrence
before the British occupation of the country.”

 In a case which was tried at the Malabar Sessions a few years ago, several
witnesses for the prosecution deposed that a certain individual was killed
by odi. One man gave the following account of the process. Shoot the victim
in the nape of the neck with a blunt arrow, and bring him down. Proceed to
beat him systematically all over the body with two sticks (resembling a
policeman’s truncheon, and called odivaddi), laying him on his back and
applying the sticks to his chest, and up and down the sides, breaking all
the ribs and other bones. Then raise the person, and kick his sides. After
this, force him to take an oath that he will never divulge the names of his
torturer. All the witnesses agreed about the blunt arrow, and some bore
testimony to the sticks.

 A detailed account of the odi cult, from which the [227]following
information was obtained, is given by Mr Anantha Krishna Iyer.2 The
disciple is taught how to procure pilla thilum (fœtus oil) from the six or
seven months fœtus of a young woman in her first pregnancy. He (the
Paraiyan magician) sets out at midnight from his hut to the house of the
woman he has selected, round which he walks several times, shaking a
cocoanut containing gurasi (a compound of water, lime, and turmeric), and
muttering some mantrams to invoke the aid of his deity. He also draws a
yantram (cabalistic figure) on the earth, taking special care to observe
the omens as he starts. Should they be unfavourable, he puts it off for a
more favourable opportunity. By the potency of his cult, the woman is made
to come out. Even if the door of the room in which she might sleep be under
lock and key, she would knock her head against it until she found her way
out. She thus comes out, and yields herself to the influence of the
magician, who leads her to a retired spot either in the compound (grounds),
or elsewhere in the neighbourhood, strips her naked, and tells her to lie
flat. She does so, and a chora kindi (gourd, Lagenaria) is placed close to
the uterus. The fœtus comes out in a moment. A few leaves of some plant are
applied, and the uterus contracts. Sometimes the womb is filled with
rubbish, and the woman instantly dies. Care is taken that the fœtus does
not touch the ground, lest the purpose be defeated, and the efficacy of the
medicine completely lost. It is cut into pieces, dried, and afterwards
exposed to the smoke above a fireplace. It is then placed in a vessel
provided with a hole or two, below which there is another vessel. The two
together are placed in a larger vessel filled with water, and heated over a
bright fire. The heat must be so intense as to affect the fœtus, from which
a [228]kind of liquid drops, and collects in the second vessel in an hour
and a half. The magician then takes a human skull, and reduces it to a fine
powder. This is mixed with a portion of the liquid. A mark is made on the
forehead with this mixture, and the oil is rubbed on certain parts of the
body, and he drinks some cow-dung water. He then thinks that he can assume
the figure of any animal he likes, and successfully achieves the object in
view, which is generally to murder or maim a person. A magic oil, called
angola thilum, is extracted from the angola tree (Alangium Lamarckii),
which bears a very large number of fruits. One of these is believed to be
capable of descending and returning to its position on dark nights. Its
possession can be secured by demons, or by an expert watching at the foot
of the tree. When it has been secured, the extraction of the oil involves
the same operations as those for extracting the pilla thilum, and they must
be carried out within seven hours. The odi cult is said to have been
practised by the Paraiyas some twenty years ago to a very large extent in
the rural parts of the northern division of the Cochin State, and in the
tāluks of Palghāt and Valuvanād, and even now it has not quite died out.
Cases of extracting the fœtus, and of putting persons to death by odi, are
not now heard of owing to the fear of government officials, landlords, and
others.

 Of the odi cult as practised by the Pānan magicians of the Cochin State,
the following account is given by Mr Anantha Krishna Iyer.3

 “A Pānan, who is an adept in the black art, dresses in an unwashed cloth,
and performs pūja to his deity, after which he goes in search of a kotuveli
plant (Plumbago zeylanica). When he has found it, he goes round it three
times every day, and continues to do so for ninety days, [229]prostrating
himself every day before it, and on the last night, which must be a new
moon night, at midnight, he performs pūja to the plant, burning camphor and
frankincense, and, after going round it three times, prostrates himself
before it. He then thrusts three small candles on it, and advances twenty
paces in front of it. With his mouth closed, he plucks the root, and buries
it in the ashes on the cremation ground, after which he pours the water of
seven green cocoanuts on it. He then goes round it twenty-one times, uttering
all the while certain mantrams. This being over, he plunges himself in
water, and stands erect until it extends to his mouth. He takes a mouthful
of water which he empties on the spot, and takes the plant with the root
which he believes to possess peculiar virtues. When it is taken to the
closed door of a house, it has the power to entice a pregnant woman, and
cause her to come out, when the fœtus is removed. It is all secretly done
at midnight. The head, hands, and legs are cut off, and the trunk is taken
to a dark-coloured rock, on which it is cut into nine pieces, which are
burned until they are blackened. At this stage one piece boils, and it is
placed in a new earthen pot, to which is added the water of nine green
cocoanuts. The pot is removed to the burial ground, where the Pānan
performs a pūja in honour of his favourite deity. He fixes two poles deep
in the earth, at a distance of thirty feet from each other. The two poles
are connected by a strong wire, from which is suspended the pot to be
heated and boiled. Seven fireplaces are made beneath the wire, over the
middle of which is the pot. The branches of bamboo, katalati (Achyranthes
aspera), conga (Bauhinia variegata), cocoanut palm, jack tree (Artocarpus
integrifolia), and pavatta (Pavetta indica), are used in forming a bright
fire. The mixture in the pot soon boils and becomes oily, at which stage it
is passed through a fine cloth. The oil is preserved, and a mark made with
it on the forehead enables the possessor to realise anything which is
thought of. The sorcerer must be in a state of vow for twenty-one days, and
live on a diet [230]of chama kanji (gruel). The deity whose aid is
necessary is also propitiated by offerings.”

 In 1908, the following case, relating to the birth of a monster, was tried
before the Sessions Judge of South Canara. A young Gauda girl became
pregnant by her brother-in-law. After three days’ labour, the child was
born. The accused, who was the mother of the girl, was the midwife. Finding
the delivery very difficult, she sent for a person to come and help her.
The child was, as they thought, still-born. On its head was a red
protuberance like a ball; round each of its forearms were two or three red
bands; the eyes and ears were fixed very high in the head; and the eyes,
nose, and mouth were abnormally large. The mother was carried out of the
outhouse, lest the devil child should do her harm, or kill her. The accused
summoned a Muhammadan, who was in the yard. He came in, and she showed him
the child, and asked him to call the neighbours, to decide what to do. The
child, she said, was a devil child, and must be cut and killed, lest it
should devour the mother. While they were looking at the child, it began to
move and roll its eyes about, and turn on the ground. It is a belief of the
villagers that such a devil child, when brought in contact with the air,
rapidly grows, and causes great trouble, usually killing the mother, and
sometimes killing all the inmates of the house. The accused told the
Muhammadan to cover the child with a vessel, which he did. Then there was a
sound from inside the vessel, either of the child moving, or making a sound
with its mouth. The accused then put her hand under the vessel, dragged the
child half-way out, and, while the Muhammadan pressed the edge of the
vessel on the abdomen of the child, took a knife, and cut the body in
[231]half. When the body was cut in two, there was no blood, but a
mossy-green or black liquid oozed out. The accused got two areca leaves,
and put one piece of the child on one, and one on the other, and told the
Muhammadan to get a spade, and bury them. So they went to the jungle close
to the house, and the Muhammadan dug two holes, one on one hillock, and one
on another. In these holes, the two pieces of the child were buried. The
object of this was to prevent the two pieces joining together again, in
which case the united devil child would have come out of the grave, and
gone to kill the mother.

 Years ago, it was not unusual for people to come long distances for the
purpose of engaging Paniyans of the Wynād (in Malabar) to help them in
carrying out some more than usually desperate robbery or murder. Their mode
of procedure, when engaged in an enterprise of this sort, is evidenced by
two cases, which had in them a strong element of savagery. On both these
occasions, the thatched homesteads were surrounded at dead of night by
gangs of Paniyans carrying large bundles of rice straw. After carefully
piling up the straw on all sides of the building marked for destruction,
torches were at a given signal applied, and those of the inmates who
attempted to escape were knocked on the head with clubs, and thrust into
the fiery furnace. In 1904, some Paniyans were employed by a Māppilla
(Muhammadan) to murder his mistress, who was pregnant, and threatened that
she would noise abroad his responsibility for her condition. He brooded
over the matter, and one day, meeting a Paniyan, promised him ten rupees if
he would kill the woman. The Paniyan agreed to commit the crime, and went
with his brothers to a place on a hill, where the Māppilla and the woman
were in the habit of gratifying their passions. Thither the man and woman
followed [232]the Paniyans, of whom one ran out, and struck the victim on
the head with a chopper. She was then gagged with a cloth, carried some
distance, and killed.

 bitants of several villages in Malabar attacked a village of Paraiyans on
the alleged ground that deaths of people and cattle, and the protracted
labour of a woman in childbed, had been caused by the practice of sorcery
by the Paraiyans. They were beaten inhumanely with their hands tied behind
their backs, so that several died. The villagers were driven, bound, into a
river, immersed under water so as nearly to produce suffocation, and their
own children were forced to rub sand into their wounds. Their settlement
was then razed to the ground, and they were driven into banishment.

 The Kādirs of the Ānaimalais are believers in witchcraft, and attribute
diseases to the working thereof. They are expert exorcists, and trade in
mantravādam or magic. It is recorded by Mr Logan4 that “the family of
famous trackers, whose services in the jungles were retained for H.R.H. the
Prince of Wales’s (afterwards King Edward VII.) projected sporting tour in
the Ānamalai mountains, dropped off most mysteriously one by one, stricken
down by an unseen hand, and all of them expressing beforehand their
conviction that they were under a certain individual’s spell, and were
doomed to certain death at an early date. They were probably poisoned, but
how it was managed remains a mystery, although the family was under the
protection of a European gentleman, who would at once have brought to light
any ostensible foul play.”

 The Badagas of the Nīlgiris live in dread of the jungle Kurumbas, who
constantly come under reference in their folk-stories. The Kurumba is the
necromancer of the hills, [233]and believed to be possessed of the power of
outraging women, removing their livers, and so causing their death, while
the wound heals by magic, so that no trace of the operation is left. The
Badaga’s dread of the Kurumba is said to be so great, that a simple threat
of vengeance has proved fatal. The Badaga or Toda requires the services of
the Kurumba, when he fancies that any member of his family is possessed by
a devil. The Kurumba does his best to remove the malady by means of
mantrams (magical formulæ). If he fails, and if any suspicion is aroused in
the mind of the Badaga or Toda that he is allowing the devil to play his
pranks instead of loosing his hold on the supposed victim, woe betide him.
Writing in 1832, Harkness states5 that “a very few years before, a Burgher
(Badaga) had been hanged by the sentence of the provincial court for the
murder of a Kurumba. The act of the former was not without what was
considered great provocation. Disease had attacked the inhabitants of the
hamlet, a murrain their cattle. The former had carried off a great part of
the family of the murderer, and he himself had but narrowly escaped its
effects. No one in the neighbourhood doubted that the Kurumba in question
had, by his necromancy, caused all this misfortune, and, after several
fruitless attempts, a party of them succeeded in surrounding him in open
day, and effecting their purpose.”

 In 1835, no less than fifty-eight Kurumbas were murdered, and a smaller
number in 1875 and 1882. In 1891, the inmates of a single Kurumba hut were
said to have been murdered, and the hut burnt to ashes, because one of the
family had been treating a sick Badaga child, and failed to cure it. The
district judge, however, disbelieved [234]the evidence, and all who were
charged were acquitted. Again, in 1900, a whole family of Kurumbas was
murdered, of which the head, who had a reputation as a medicine man, was
believed to have brought disease and death into a Badaga village. The
sympathies of the whole countryside were so strongly with the murderers
that detection was made very difficult, and the persons charged were
acquitted.6

 “It is,” Mr Grigg writes,7 “a curious fact that neither Kota, Irula, or
Badaga, will slay a Kurumba, until a Toda has struck the first blow, but,
as soon as his sanctity has been violated by a blow, they hasten to
complete the murderous work, which the sacred hand of the Toda has begun.”

 Some years ago, a Toda was found dead in a sitting posture on the top of a
hill near a Badaga village, in which a party of Todas had gone to collect
the tribute due to them. The body was cremated, and a report made to the
police that the man had been murdered. On enquiry, it was ascertained that
the dead man was supposed to have bewitched a little Badaga girl, who died
in consequence, and the presumption was that he had been murdered by the
Badagas out of spite.

 In 1906, two men were found guilty of killing a man by shooting him with a
gun in South Canara. It is recorded in the judgment that “the accused have
a brother, who has been ill for a long time. They thought deceased, who was
an astrologer and mantravādi, had bewitched him. They had spent fifty or
sixty rupees on deceased for his treatment, but it did no good, and accused
came to believe that deceased not only would not cure their brother
himself, but would not allow [235]other doctors to do so. Also, a certain
theft having occurred some months ago, deceased professed by his magic arts
to have discovered that accused and others were the thieves. In consequence
of these things, accused had expressed various threats against deceased.
One witness, who is a mantravādi in a small way, was consulted by one of
the accused to find some counter-treatment for deceased’s bewitchment.
Accused said that deceased refused to cure their brother, and would not let
others do so, unless they gave him certain gold coins called Rāma Tanka,
said to be in their possession. They desired this possession, so would
not satisfy
deceased. So their brother was dying by inches under deceased’s malign
influence. This witness professed to have discovered that accused’s brother
was being worried by one black devil and two malignant spirits of the dead.
It is clear from the evidence that accused, who are ignorant men of a low
type, really believed that deceased was by his magic wilfully and slowly
killing their brother. They believed that the only way to save their
brother’s life was to kill the magician.”

 During an epidemic of smallpox in the Jeypore hill tracts, a man lost his
wife and child. A local subscription had been organised for a sorcerer, on
the understanding that he was to stay the course of the epidemic. The
bereaved man charged him with being a fraud, and, in the course of a
quarrel, split his skull open with a tangi (axe).

 In 1906, a Kōmati woman died of cholera in a village in Ganjam. Her son
sought the assistance of certain men of the “Reddika” caste in obtaining
wood for the pyre, carrying the corpse to the burning-ground, and cremating
it. The son set fire to the pyre, and withdrew, leaving the Reddikas on the
spot. Among them was one, who is said to have learnt sorcery from a Bairāgi
(religious mendicant), and to have been generally feared and hated in the
village. [236]To him the spread of cholera by letting loose the goddess of
the cremation-ground, called Mashani Chendi, was attributed. Arrack
(liquor) was passed round among those who were attending to the burning
corpse, and they got more or less drunk. Two of them killed the sorcerer by
severe blows on the neck with wood-choppers. His corpse was then placed on
the burning pyre of the Kōmati woman, and cremated. The men who delivered
the death blows were sentenced to transportation for life, as their
intoxicated state and superstitious feeling were held to plead in
mitigation of the punishment.

 In 1904 a case illustrating the prevailing belief in witchcraft occurred
in the Vizagapatam hill tracts. The youngest of three brothers died of
fever, and, when the body was cremated, the fire failed to consume the
upper portion. The brothers concluded that death must have been caused by
the witchcraft of a certain Kondh. They accordingly attacked him, and
killed him. After death, the brothers cut the body in half and dragged the
upper half of it to their own village, where they attempted to nail it up
on the spot where their deceased brother’s body failed to burn. They were
arrested on the spot, with the fragment of the Kondh’s corpse. They were
sentenced to death.8

 In the North Arcot district, a few years ago, a reputed magician, while
collecting the pieces of a burning corpse, to be used for the purposes of
sorcery, was seized and murdered, and his body cast on the burning pyre.
>From the recovery of duplicate bones, it was proved that two bodies were
burnt, and the murder was detected. Two persons were sentenced to
transportation for life.9



IX

Magic and Magicians

It has been stated1 that sorcerers usually unite together to form a
society, which may attain great influence among backward races. In Southern
India there are certain castes which are summed up in the “Madras Census
Report,” 1901, as “exorcists and devil-dancers,” whose most important
avocation is the practice of magic. Such, for example, are the Nalkes,
Paravas, and Pompadas of South Canara, who are called in whenever a bhūtha
(demon) is to be propitiated, and the Pānans and Malayans of Malabar, whose
magical rites are described by me in detail elsewhere.2

 Concerning sorcery on the west coast, the Travancore Census Commissioner,
1901, writes as follows:—

 “The forms of sorcery familiar to the people of Malabar are of three
kinds:—(1) kaivisham, or poisoning food by incantations; (2) the employment
of Kuttichāttan, a mysteriously-working mischievous imp; (3) setting up
spirits to haunt men and their houses, and cause illness of all kinds. The
most mischievous imp in Malabar demonology is an annoying quip-loving
little spirit, as black as night, and about the size of a well-nourished
twelve-year-old boy. Some people say that they have seen [238]him
vis-à-vis, having a forelock. There are Nambūtiris (Brāhmans) in Malabar to
whom these are so many missiles, which they may throw at anybody they
choose. They are, like Shakespeare’s Ariel, little active bodies, and most
willing slaves of the master under whom they happen to be placed. Their
victims suffer from unbearable agony. Their clothes take fire; their food
turns to ordure; their beverages become urine; stones fall in showers on
all sides of them, but curiously not on them; and their bed becomes a bed
of thorns. With all this annoying mischief, Kuttichāttan or Boy Satan does
no serious harm. He oppresses and harasses, but never injures. A celebrated
Brāhman of Changanacheri is said to own more than a hundred of these
Chāttans. Household articles and jewelry of value may be left in the
premises of homes guarded by Chāttan, and no thief dares to lay his hand on
them. The invisible sentry keeps diligent watch over his master’s property,
and has unchecked powers of movement in any medium. As remuneration for all
these services, the Chāttan demands nothing but food, but that in a large
measure. If starved, the Chāttans would not hesitate to remind the master
of their power, but, if ordinarily cared for, they would be his most
willing drudges. As a safeguard against the infinite power secured for the
master by Kuttichāttan, it is laid down that malign acts committed through
his instrumentality recoil on the prompter, who dies either childless or
after frightful physical and mental agony. Another method of oppressing
humanity, believed to be in the power of sorcerers, is to make men and
women possessed with spirits. Here, too, women are more subject to their
evil influence than men. Delayed puberty, permanent sterility, and
still-births, are not uncommon ills of a devil-possessed woman. Sometimes
the spirits sought to be exorcised refuse to leave the victim, unless the
sorcerer promises them a habitation in his own compound (grounds), and
arranges for daily offerings being given. This is agreed to as a matter of
unavoidable necessity, and money and [239]lands are conferred upon the
mantravādi Nambūtiri to enable him to fulfil his promise.”

 Reference has been made (p. 238) to the falling of stones round those
attacked by Chāttans. Hysteria, epilepsy, and other disorders, are, in
Malabar, ascribed to possession by devils, who can also cause cattle
disease, accidents, and misfortunes of any kind. Throwing stones on houses,
and setting fire to the thatch, are supposed to be their ordinary
recreations. The mere mention of the name of a certain Nambūtiri family is
said to be enough to drive them away.3 A few years ago, an old Brāhman
woman, in the Bellary district, complained to the police that a Sūdra woman
living in her neighbourhood, and formerly employed by her as sweeper, had
been throwing stones into her house for some nights. The woman admitted
that she had done so, because she was advised by a Lingāyat priest that the
remedy for intermittent fever, from which she was suffering, was to throw
stones at an old woman, and extract some blood from her body on a new or
full-moon day.

 Some demons are believed to have human mistresses and concubines, and it
is narrated4 that a Chetti (merchant) in the Tamil country purchased a
Malabar demon from a magician for ninety rupees. But hardly a day had
passed before the undutiful spirit fell in love with its new owner’s wife,
and succeeded in its nefarious purpose.

 Quite recently a woman, in order to win the affection of her husband, gave
him a love-charm composed of datura in chutney. The dose proved fatal, and
she was sentenced to two years’ rigorous imprisonment.5 A
[240]love-philtre, said to be composed of the charred remains of a mouse
and spider, was once sent to the chemical examiner to Government for
analysis in a suspected case of poisoning. In connection with the dugong
(Halicore dugong), which is caught in the Gulf of Manaar, Dr Annandale
writes as follows6:—

 “The presence of large glands in connection with the eye afford some
justification for the Malay’s belief that the dugong weeps when captured.
They regard the tears of the īkan dugong (dugong fish) as a powerful
love-charm. Muhammadan fishermen of the Gulf of Manaar appeared to be
ignorant of this usage, but told me that a ‘doctor’ once went out with them
to collect the tears of a dugong, should they capture one.”

 Native physicians in the Tamil country are said to prepare an unguent,
into the composition of which the eye of the slender Loris (Loris
gracilis), the brain of the dead offspring of a primipara, and the
catamenial blood of a young virgin, enter, as an effective preparation in
necromancy. The eye of the Loris is also used for making a preparation,
which is believed to enable the possessor to kidnap and seduce women. The
tail of a chamæleon, secured on a Sunday, is also believed to be an
excellent love-charm.

 A young married student at a college in Madras attributed his illness to
the administration by his wife of a love-philtre containing the brains of a
baby which had been exhumed after burial. Among the Tamil Paraiyans and
some other classes, a first-born child, if it is a male, is buried near or
even within the house, so that its corpse may not be carried away by a
sorcerer, to be used in magical rites.7 If a first-born child dies, [241]a
finger is sometimes cut off, lest a sorcerer should dig up the body, and
extract an essence (karuvu) from the brain, wherewith to harm his enemies.8
The Rev. J. Castets informs me that he once saw a man being initiated into
the mysteries of the magician’s art. The apparatus included the top of the
skull of a first-born male child inscribed with Tamil characters.

 A station-house police officer informed Mr S. G. Roberts that first-born
children, dying in infancy, are buried near the house, lest their heads
should be used in sorcery, a sort of ink or decoction (mai) being distilled
from them. This ink is used for killing people at a distance, or for
winning a woman’s love, or the confidence of those from whom some favour is
required. In the last two cases, the ink is smeared over the eyebrows. It
is believed that, if an infant’s head is used for this purpose, the mother
will never have a living child. When Mr Roberts was at Salem, he had to try
a case of this practice, and the Public Prosecutor informed him that it is
believed that, if a hole is made in the top of the head of the infant when
it is buried, it cannot be effectively used in sorcery. In the Trichinopoly
district, the police brought to Mr Roberts’ notice a sorcerer’s outfit,
which had been seized. There were the most frightful Tamil curses invoking
devils, written backwards in “looking-glass characters” on an olai (strip
of palm leaf), and a looking-glass to read them by. Spells written
backwards are said to be very potent. There was also a small round tin,
containing a black treacly paste with a sort of shine on it, which was said
to have been obtained from the head of a dead child. There is a Tamil
proverb “Kuzhi pillai, madi pillai,” meaning grave child, lap child, in
reference to a belief that, the [242]quicker a first-born child is buried,
the quicker is the next child conceived.

 The following form of sorcery in Malabar is described by Mr Walhouse.9

 “Let a sorcerer obtain the corpse of a maiden, and on a Saturday night
place it at the foot of a bhuta-haunted tree on an altar, and repeat a
hundred times: Om! Hrim! Hrom! O goddess of Malayāla who possessest us in a
moment! Come! Come! The corpse will then be inspired by a demon, and rise
up; and, if the demon be appeased with flesh and arrack (liquor), it will
answer all questions put to it.”

 A human bone from a burial-ground, over which powerful mantrams have been
recited, if thrown into an enemy’s house, will cause his ruin. Ashes from
the burial-ground on which an ass has been rolling on a Saturday or Sunday,
if thrown into the house of an enemy, are said to produce severe illness,
if the house is not vacated.

 From Malabar, a correspondent writes as follows:—

 “I came across a funny thing in an embankment in a rice-field. The tender
part of a young cocoanut branch had been cut into three strips, and the
strips fastened one into the other in the form of a triangle. At the apex a
reed was stuck, and along the base and sides small flowers, so that the
thing looked like a ship in full sail. My inspector informed me, with many
blushes, that it contained a devil, which the sorcerer of a neighbouring
village had cut out of a young girl. Mrs Bishop, in her book on Korea,
mentions that the Koreans do exactly the same thing, but, in Korea, the
devil’s prison is laid by the wayside, and is carefully stepped over by
every passer-by, whereas the one I saw was carefully avoided by my peons
(orderlies) and others.”

 In the Godāvari district, Mr H. Tyler came across the [243]burning funeral
pyre of a Koyi girl, who had died of syphilis. Across a neighbouring path
leading to the Koyi village was a basket fish-trap containing grass, and on
each side thorny twigs, which were intended to catch the malign spirit of
the dead girl, and prevent it from entering the village. The twigs and trap
containing the spirit were to be burnt on the following day. By the Dōmbs
of Vizagapatam, the souls of the dead are believed to roam about, so as to
cause all possible harm to mankind, and also to protect them against the
attacks of witches. A place is prepared for the Dūma in the door-hinge, or
a fishing-net, wherein he lives, is placed over the door. The witches must
count all the knots of the net, before they can enter the house.10

  Bellary district, geometric patterns are sometimes made at night by
people suffering from disease, in the belief that the affliction will pass
to the person who first treads on the charm.11

 “At cross-roads in the South Arcot district may be sometimes seen pieces
of broken pot, saffron (turmeric), etc. These are traces of the following
method of getting rid of an obstinate disease. A new pot is washed clean,
and filled with a number of objects (the prescription differs in different
localities), such as turmeric, coloured grains of rice, chillies,
cotton-seed, and so forth, and sometimes a light made of a few threads
dipped in a little dish of oil, and taken at dead of night to the
cross-roads, and broken there. The disease will then disappear. In some
places it is believed that it passes to the first person who sees the
débris of the ceremony the next morning, and the performer has to be
careful to carry it out unknown to his neighbours, or the consequences are
unpleasant for him.”12

Some Valaiyans, Paraiyans, and Kallans, on the occasion of a death in the
family, place a pot filled with dung or water, a broomstick, and a
firebrand, at some place where three roads meet, or in front of the house,
to prevent the ghost from returning.13 When a Paraiyan man dies, camphor is
burnt, not at the house, but at the junction of three lanes.

 In the Godāvari district, a sorcerer known as the Ejjugadu (male
physician) is believed, out of spite or in return for payment, to kill
another by invoking the gods. He goes to a green tree, and there spreads
muggu or chunam (lime) powder, and places an effigy of the intended victim
thereon. He also places a bow and arrow there, recites certain spells, and
calls on the gods. The victim is said to die in a couple of days. But, if
he understands that the Ejjugadu has thus invoked the gods, he may inform
another Ejjugadu, who will carry out similar operations under another tree.
His bow and arrow will go to those of the first Ejjugadu, and the two bows
and arrows will fight as long as the spell remains. The man will then be
safe.

 Writing concerning the nomad Yerukalas, Mr F. Fawcett says14 that “the
warlock takes the possessed one by night to the outskirts of the village,
and makes a figure on the ground with powdered rice, powders of various
colours, and powdered charcoal. Balls of the powders, half cocoanut shells,
betel, four-anna pieces, and oil lamps, are placed on the hands, legs, and
abdomen. A little heap of boiled rice is placed near the feet, and curds
and vegetables are set on the top of it, with limes placed here and there.
The subject of the incantation sits near the head, while the magician
mutters mantrams. A he-goat is then [245]sacrificed. Its head is placed
near the foot of the figure, and benzoin and camphor are waved. A little
grain is scattered about the figure to appease the evil spirits. Some
arrack is poured into a cup, which is placed on the body of the figure, and
the bottle which contained it is left on the head. The limes are cut in
two, and two cocoanuts are broken. The patient then walks by the left side
of the figure to its legs, takes one step to the right towards the head,
and one step to the left towards the feet, and walks straight home without
looking back.”

 In Malabar, Mr Govinda Nambiar writes,15 “when a village doctor attending
a sick person finds that the malady is unknown to him, or will not yield to
his remedies, he calls in the astrologer, and subsequently the exorcist, to
expel the demon or demons which have possessed the sick man. If the devils
will not yield to ordinary remedies administered by his disciples, the
mantravādi himself comes, and a devil dance is appointed to be held on a
certain day. Thereat various figures of mystic device are traced on the
ground, and in their midst a huge and frightful form representing the
demon. Sometimes an effigy is constructed out of cooked and coloured rice.
The patient is seated near the head of the figure, and opposite sits the
magician adorned with bundles of sticks tied over the joints of his body,
tails, and skins of animals, etc. Verses are chanted, and sometimes cocks
are sacrificed, and the blood is sprinkled on the demon’s effigy. Amidst
the beating of drums and blowing of pipes, the magician enters upon his
diabolical dance, and, in the midst of his paroxysm, may even bite live
cocks, and suck with ferocity the hot blood.”

 When a Malayan exorcist is engaged in propitiating a demon, a fowl is
sometimes waved before him, and [246]decapitated. He puts the neck in his
mouth, and sucks the blood. By the Tiyans of Malabar a number of evil
spirits are supposed to devote their attention to a pregnant woman, and to
suck the blood of the child in utero, and of the mother. In the process of
expelling them, the woman lies on the ground and kicks. A cock is thrust
into her hand, and she bites it, and drinks its blood.

 It is noted by Mr L. K. Anantha Krishna Iyer that by the Thanda Pulayans
of the west coast “a ceremony called urasikotukkuka is performed with the
object of getting rid of a devil, with which a person is possessed. At a
place far distant from the hut, a leaf, on which the blood of a fowl has
been made to fall, is spread on the ground. On a smaller leaf, chunam and
turmeric are placed. The person who first sets eyes on these becomes
possessed by the devil, and sets free the individual who was previously
under its influence. The Thanda Pulayans also practise maranakriyas, or
sacrifices to demons, to bring about the death of an enemy. Sometimes
affliction is supposed to be brought about by the enmity of those who have
got incantations written on a palm leaf, and buried in the ground near a
house by the side of a well. A sorcerer is called in to counteract the evil
charm, which he digs up and destroys.”

 In a note on the Paraiyas of Travancore,16 the Rev. S. Mateer writes that
Sūdras and Shānars17 frequently employ the Paraiya devil-dancers and
sorcerers to search for and dig out magical charms buried in the earth by
enemies, and counteract their enchantments.

 K RAJARAM IRS 31124  TO BE CONTD

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