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  - Philippine Politics [4 Updates]
    http://groups.google.com/group/the-free-thinkers-email/t/283cdf43c8866405
  - Will “They” Really Try to Kill President Duterte? Trump? [1 Update]
    http://groups.google.com/group/the-free-thinkers-email/t/d09e846661889c78


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Topic: Philippine Politics
Url: http://groups.google.com/group/the-free-thinkers-email/t/283cdf43c8866405
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---------- 1 of 4 ----------
From: Ian Robertson <iansrobert...@gmail.com>
Date: Oct 18 02:16PM +0800
Url: http://groups.google.com/group/the-free-thinkers-email/msg/3786c5077eaa3

If you were to rely on MSM for your info on the Duterte 'drug war' you 
would be subject to complete liberal propaganda.

If you imagine from MSM that Duterte is trying to transform Philippines 
from a free-market social liberal democracy into a socialist state you 
are being fed complete nonsense.

For some of the deeper reasons Duterte detests and mistrusts the 
Americans (and particularly the CIA plant Obama) read this.

http://www.strategic-culture.org/news/2016/09/09/obama-duterte-blow-up-what-corporate-media-doesnt-get.html

Philippines has labored under the pro-American corrupt 'Yellow-Liberals' 
(party of the oligarchs) since Marcos was turfed out (by the CIA). 
Steadily sinking into a swamp of corruption fueled by methamphetamine 
(shabu locally).

Country was drowning in corruption with petty crime completely rampant. 
Legal system riddled with corruption and bandit-lawyers. Population 
'farmed' by a class of oligarchs, and exploited. Scams and bribes 
everywhere.

The remote areas with no real formal government or security, and 
effectively administered by the NPA (Maoist bandits), deteriorating 
security in the south with rising extremist Al Qaeda affiliates. (And we 
all know who funds them). Mainstream politics increasingly funded with 
Shabu money. 'Honest' politicians can't raise enough money and the 
drug-funded politicians buy all the votes.

Stopping the completely widespread shabu drug trade a national emergency 
to stem the widespread corruption infesting civil life, politics, and 
increasingly the army and police.

Separating the Philippines from American attempts to provoke China 
another national emergency.

So far Duterte has been a brilliant pragmatist.

He has put the fear of god into the drug masters, he has exposed some of 
the drug corruption reaching to the highest levels of the previous 
administration, he has stopped all joint military exercises with 
America, he has already made a rapprochement with China, trade deals 
already lined up, he has already agreed the basis for a settlement with 
the Philippines NPA, and brought the socialist fringes into government, 
he has civil servants scared now to ask for bribes and has put them on 
notice they will be disciplined if they delay or inconvenience the 
public. And he has been in power for less than four months.

Superman would have been challenged to achieve so much so fast. He is no 
mealy mouthed political lackey. He says what he means.

He has gained a 76% general approval with the Philippines public. 
Despite much off the Philippines MSM ranged against him.

He is viewed as a savior after 500 years of American/Spanish 
colonialism, followed by almost 60 years of local mestizo-Philippine 
colonialism - when the formal colonists left after WW2, the mechanisms 
of colonial exploitation were not dismantled, but were taken over by the 
ruling local mestizo families.

What we are witnessing is the beginning of the liberation of the 
Philippines from colonialism. No less.

But Duterte now has some very unpleasant enemies lining up. The drug 
masters, the corrupt Philippines 'liberal' establishment, the Philippine 
oligarchs, and the CIA. And it goes without saying - the entire foreign 
mainstream media.

Recently a friend here who has connections with army and police 
intelligence made a laconic comment, 'Duterte's grave is already dug'.

I hope not. Duterte represents a genuine populist rebellion against the 
corrupt old order.

We should wish him well.

Don't believe a damn thing you read of Duterte in the MSM.

And if you read in the western press of some sudden popular 'color' 
uprising against Duterte, then you will know of the who and the why.


On 18/10/2016 07:32, Scott wrote:

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---------- 2 of 4 ----------
From: Ian Robertson <iansrobert...@gmail.com>
Date: Oct 18 02:22PM +0800
Url: http://groups.google.com/group/the-free-thinkers-email/msg/378bb7b88efba

I committed a tautology.

Apologies.


On 18/10/2016 14:16, Ian Robertson wrote:

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---------- 3 of 4 ----------
From: Evan Jones <evanj.ba...@gmail.com>
Date: Oct 18 01:43PM +0700
Url: http://groups.google.com/group/the-free-thinkers-email/msg/379d0c9f4eb6c

Well said Ian!




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---------- 4 of 4 ----------
From: Evan Jones <evanj.ba...@gmail.com>
Date: Oct 18 04:24PM +0700
Url: http://groups.google.com/group/the-free-thinkers-email/msg/382a4db56210a

Dave B just sent this article by PCR

Dave B wrote:
>This also from a few days ago:

http://www.paulcraigroberts.org/2016/10/12/regime-change-in-the-philippines-paul-craig-roberts/

​October 12, 2016 | Categories: Articles & Columns | Tags: | Print
This Article Print This Article
Regime Change In The Philippines

Paul Craig Roberts

When will the neoconservative chant begin: “Duterte must go”? Or will
the CIA assassinate him?

President Rodrigo Duterte has indicated that he intends a more
independent foreign policy. He has announced upcoming visits to China
and Russia, and his foreign minister has declared that it is time for
the Philippines to end its subservience to Washington. In this sense,
regime change has already occurred.

Duterte has suspended military maneuvers with the US. His defense
minister said that the Philippines can get along without US military
aid and prefers cooperation over conflict with China.

Duterte might simply be trying to extract a larger pay-off from
Washington, but he had better be careful. Washington will not let
Duterte move the Philippines into the Chinese camp.

Unless, of course, Washington has bitten off more than it can chew in
the Middle East, Africa, South America, Ukraine, Russia and China and
is too occupied elsewhere to deal with the Philippines. Still, Duterte
would do well to request a praetorian guard from China.

The view is spreading in Asia that the American era is over, wrecked
by disastrous US economic and foreign policies. The rise of Russia and
China has birthed what William Engdahl calls the Eurasian Century.
http://www.strategic-culture.org/news/2016/10/11/eurasian-century-now-unstoppable.html

China’s One Belt One Road approach to Eurasian development is
cooperative. The operating principle is that everyone works together
to build a future for everyone. This is far more attractive than
Washington’s arrogance of organizing the world in the interest of US
corporations.

As Michael Hudson, James Galbraith, and I have explained, Western
economic organization has deteriorated into a system of financial
looting. For example, the economy of Greece has been destroyed in
order that private banks that over-lent to the Greek government did
not have to write down any of the bad debt. Instead, the debt was paid
by reducing Greek pensions, cutting education, healthcare and public
employment, and by privatizing public companies, such as municipal
water companies, with the result being a higher price of water to
people whose incomes are falling.

The cost of participating in the Western system is imposed austerity
and loss of national sovereignty. Economic cooperation with China does
not result in such costs.

Most likely, Duterte has decided to switch the Philippines’ bet from
the US to China. When Japan and South Korea also realign, the “pivot
to Asia” is over.

Then perhaps even Europe will awaken and the conflict that the
neoconservatives are brewing between the West and Russia will be
stillborn.

Otherwise, mushroom clouds will prevail.

Whether there is time for these changes before mushroom clouds make
their appearance depends on the outcome of the US presidential
election. Americans are an insouciant people and do not understand the
stakes. Hillary has promised conflict with Russia. Trump says he sees
no point in conflict with Russia. This difference is the only
important issue in the election.



On 10/18/16, Ian Robertson <iansrobert...@gmail.com> wrote:
> To unsubscribe from this group and stop receiving emails from it, send an
> email to the-free-thinkers-email+unsubscr...@googlegroups.com.
> For more options, visit https://groups.google.com/d/optout.

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=============================================================================
Topic: Will “They” Really Try to Kill President Duterte? Trump?
Url: http://groups.google.com/group/the-free-thinkers-email/t/d09e846661889c78
=============================================================================

---------- 1 of 1 ----------
From: Evan Jones <evanj.ba...@gmail.com>
Date: Oct 18 01:06PM +0700
Url: http://groups.google.com/group/the-free-thinkers-email/msg/377d6bb81a57f

CHAPTER ONE A Cold Warrior Turns
~ ~~~~~~ ~~~~~~~~ ~~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~ ~~ ~~~ ~~~~~ ~~ ~~~ ~~~~~

The Bay of Pigs awakened President Kennedy to internal forces he feared he 
might never control. Supreme Court Justice William 0. Douglas recalled Kennedy 
saying what the Bay of Pigs taught him about the CIA and the Pentagon: "This 
episode seared him. He had experienced the extreme power that these groups had, 
these various insidious influences of the CIA and the Pentagon on civilian 
policy, and I think it raised in his own mind the specter: Can Jack Kennedy, 
President of the United States, ever be strong enough to really rule these two 
powerful agencies? "62

Merton was referring to John Kennedy's rejection, like his own, of the false 
alternatives "Red or dead" in a speech the president gave at the University of 
Washington in November 1961. Kennedy had said of this false dilemma and those 
who chose either side of it: "It is a curious fact that each of these extreme 
opposites resembles the other. r. Each believes that we have only two choices: 
appeasement or war, suicide or sur訃ender, r, humiliation or holocaust, to be 
either Red or dead."72

humanity reached a new age. 

The atomic bombing of Hiroshima marked a crossroads: either we would end war or 
war would end us. In her reflec負ions on Hiroshima in the September 1945 issue 
of the Catholic Worker, Dorothy Day wrote: "Mr. Truman was jubilant. President 
Truman. True man; what a strange name, come to think of it t We refer to Jesus 
Christ as true God and true Man. Truman is a true man of his time in that he 
was jubilant."'

President Truman was aboard the cruiser Augusta, returning from the Potsdam 
conference, when he was informed of the United States' incinera負ion of 
Hiroshima by the atomic bomb. Truman was exultant. He declared, "This is the 
greatest thing in history!" He went from person to person on the ship, officers 
and crew alike, telling them the great news like a town crier.
Dorothy Day observed: "`Jubilant' the newspapers said. Jubilate Deo. We have 
killed 318,000 Japanese."

Seventeen years later, r, during the Cuban Missile Crisis, another president, 
John F Kennedy, under enormous pressure, almost committed the United States to 
a nuclear holocaust that would have multiplied the explosive power of the 
Hiroshima bomb thousands of times. Kennedy's saving grace was that unlike 
Truman he recognized the evil of nuclear weapons. Kennedy resisted the Joint 
Chiefs of Staff and most of his civilian advisers, who pressured him for a 
preemptive attack on Soviet missile sites in Cuba. Thanks to the sheer grace of 
God, to Kennedy's resistance to his advisers, and to Nikita Khrushchev's 
willingness to retreat, humanity survived the crisis.

Kennedy, however, survived it for only a little more than a year. As we shall 
see, because of his continuing turn from nuclear war toward a vision of peace 
in the thirteen months remaining to him, he was executed by the powers that be.
1
2       JFK and the Unspeakable

Two critical questions converge at Kennedy's assassination. The first is: Why 
did his assassins risk exposure and a shameful downfall by covertly murdering a 
beloved president? The second is: Why was John Kennedy pre計ared to give his 
life for peace, when he saw death coming?

The second question may be key to the first, because there is nothing so 
threatening to systemic evil as those willing to stand against it regardless of 
the consequences. So we will try to see this story initially through the life 
of John Kennedy, to understand why he became so threatening to the most 
pow苟rful military-economic coalition in history that its wielders of power were 
willing to risk everything they had in order to kill him.


~ ~~~~~~~~~ ~~~ ~~~~~~~~~ ~~ ~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~ ~~~~~~~~~~~ ~~~~ ~~~~~~ 
in on his upbringing as a rich young man in a dysfunctional mar訃iage. Seen 
through that lens, Kennedy was a reckless playboy from youth to death, under 
the abiding influence of a domineering, womanizing father and an emotionally 
distant, strictly Catholic mother. These half-truths miss the mark. They do not 
explain the later fact of President Kennedy's steely resist苔nce to the 
pressures of a military-intelligence elite focused on waging war.

Kennedy's life was formed, first of all, by death-the hovering angel of death 
reaching down for his life. He suffered long periods of illness. He saw death 
approach repeatedly-from scarlet fever when he was two and three years old, 
from a succession of childhood and teen illnesses, from a chronic blood 
condition in boarding school, from what doctors thought was a com苑ination of 
colitis and ulcers, from intestinal ailments during his years at Harvard, from 
osteoporosis and crippling back problems intensified by war injuries that 
plagued him the rest of his life, from the adrenal insufficiency of Addison's 
disease2    To family and friends, Jack Kennedy always seemed to be sick and 
dying.

Yet he exuded an ironic joy in life. Both the weaknesses and strengths of his 
character drew on his deeply held belief that death would come soon. "The point 
is," he told a friend during a long talk on death, "that you've got to live 
every day like it's your last day on earth. That's what I'm doing."3 
      From that perspective, he could indeed be reckless, as he was in sexual 
escapades that after his death would become a media focus on his life. He could 
also be courageous to the point of heroism.     
          Death was not to be feared. As president, he often joked about his 
death's approach. The angel of death was his companion. By smiling at his own 
death, he was free to resist oth苟rs' deaths.

John Kennedy's World War II experience was characterized by a willing要ess to 
give his life for his friends. Two years before the Hiroshima bomb虹ng, Kennedy 
was a Ya boat commander in the South Pacific. On the night of August 1-2, 1943, 
he was at the wheel of his Ya 109, patrolling Blackett Strait in the Solomon 
Islands, a corridor of water used by Japanese destroy苟rs. It was a moonless 
night. A ship suddenly broke through the black, headed for the 109. As a man 
forward shouted, "Ship at two o'clock!" Kennedy spun the wheel. The Japanese 
destroyer smashed into the 109 and cut a giant strip off its starboard side. 
"This is how it feels to be killed," Kennedy thought, while being thrown 
through the cockpit. There was a ter訃ific roar, r, as the gasoline aboard went 
up in flames.

The section of the boat Kennedy was on stayed afloat. He discovered four of his 
twelve crewmembers still on it. Two others were never seen or heard from again. 
Six more were scattered in the water but alive. Kennedy, who had been on the 
Harvard swimming team, swam through the dark to shouts, finding his badly 
burned engineer, McMahon. He coaxed and cajoled others not to give up, then 
towed McMahon a hundred yards back to the floating hulk identified by a crew 
member's blinking light. All the survivors in the water reached the tilted deck 
and collapsed on it. They wondered how long it would take for them to be 
rescued by PTs from their base on Rendova Island, forty miles away.

When daylight and noon came with no rescue, the group abandoned the sinking 
hulk. They swam to a small, deserted island, in the midst of larger islands 
with Japanese soldiers. Nine of the crew held onto a two-by-six tim苑er and 
kicked and paddled their way to the island. Kennedy again towed McMahon, 
holding a strap from McMahon's life preserver in his teeth.

Kennedy would swim in ten-minute spurts, then pause to rest and check on 
McMahon. A chronicler of this episode described it from McMahon's point of view:

"Being a sensitive person, McMahon would have found the swim unbear苔ble if he 
had realized that Kennedy was hauling him through three miles or so of water 
with a bad back. He was miserable enough without knowing it. Floating on his 
back with his burned hands trailing at his sides, McMahon could see little but 
the sky and the flattened cone of [the volcanic island] Kolombangara. He could 
not see the other men, though while all of them were still together, he could 
hear them puffing and splashing. He could not see Kennedy but he could feel the 
tugs forward with each stretch of Kennedy's shoulder muscles and could hear his 
labored breathing.
"McMahon tried kicking now and then but he was extremely weary. The swim seemed 
endless, and he doubted that it would lead to salvation. He was hungry and 
thirsty and fearful that they would be attacked by sharks. The awareness that 
he could do nothing to save himself from the currents, the sharks or the enemy 
oppressed him. His fate, he well knew, was at the end of a strap in Kennedy's 
teeth."4
With Kennedy and McMahon leading the way, it took the eleven men four hours to 
reach the little island. They staggered up the beach and ducked under trees, 
barely avoiding a Japanese barge that chugged by and failed to see them.

When early evening came with no sign of help, Kennedy told the crew he would 
swim from the island out into Ferguson Passage, a mile and a half away, where 
the PT boats usually patrolled after dark. He took the 109's
4       JFK and the Unspeakable
lantern, wrapped in a life jacket, to signal the boats. Kennedy swam for half 
an hour, r, forded a reef, then swam for another hour, r, reaching his intended 
point of interception. He treaded water, waiting in the darkness. After a 
while, he saw the flares of an action beyond the island of Gizo, ten miles 
away. The PT boats had taken a different route.

Kennedy tried to swim back to his men. He was very tired. The swift cur訃ent 
carried him past the island, toward open water.
New Yorker writer John Hersey interviewed PT 109 crewmembers and wrote their 
story of survival. He described Kennedy's hours of drifting toward almost 
certain death: "He thought he had never known such deep trouble, but something 
he did shows that unconsciously he had not given up hope. He dropped his shoes, 
but he held onto the heavy lantern, his symbol of contact with his fellows. He 
stopped trying to swim. He seemed to stop caring. His body drifted through the 
wet hours, and he was very cold. His mind was a jumble. A few hours before he 
had wanted desperately to get to the base at Rendova. Now he only wanted to get 
back to the little island he had left that night, but he didn't try to get 
there; he just wanted to. His mind seemed to float away from his body. Darkness 
and time took the place of a mind in his skull. For a long time he slept, or 
was crazy, or floated in a chill trance.

"The currents of the Solomon Islands are queer. The tide shoves and sucks 
through the islands and makes the currents curl in odd patterns. It was a 
fateful pattern into which Jack Kennedy drifted. He drifted in it all night. 
His mind was blank, but his fist was tightly clenched on the kapok around the 
lantern. The current moved in a huge circle-west past Gizo, then north and east 
past Kolombangara, then south into Ferguson Passage. Early in the morning the 
sky turned from black to gray, and so did Kennedy's mind. Light came to both at 
about six. Kennedy looked around and saw that he was exactly where he had been 
the night before when he saw the flares beyond
Gizo. "5

Kennedy swam back to the island, stumbled up on the beach, and col衍apsed in the 
arms of his crew. He said later of the experience, "I never prayed so much in 
my life."6

As is well known from the story of PT 109, eventually Melanesian natives came 
to the aid of the eleven Americans. The natives carried Kennedy's SOS message, 
scratched on a coconut shell, to an Australian Navy coastwatcher, Reg Evans, 
who was working behind enemy lines. Evans radioed the U.S. Navy for assistance.

In the meantime, Kennedy and fellow officer Barney Ross, not realizing the 
nearness of their rescue, almost died in another failed effort to signal PTs at 
night in Ferguson Passage. They found a dugout canoe, and paddled it into high 
waves in the darkness. The canoe was swamped. The waves threw the two men 
against a reef, but they again survived.

Kennedy's crew never forgot his commitment to their lives. They reunited with 
him periodically after the war. What Kennedy took first from his war
C Cold Warrior Turns    5
experience was a heightened sense of the precious value of his friends' lives. 

Among the wartime deaths he mourned besides the Ya boat casualties were those 
of his brother Joe Kennedy, Jr., and brother-in-law Billy Hartington. He knew 
many others who died. He reflected, too, on the repeated nearness of his own 
death. As we have seen, since childhood chronically poor health had brought him 
near death many times. Illness, pain, and the process of almost dying came as a 
lifelong discipline.

After JFK's assassination, Robert Kennedy wrote of his brother: "At least one 
half of the days that he spent on this earth were days of intense physical 
pain. He had scarlet fever when he was very young, and serious back trou苑le 
when he was older. In between he had almost every other conceivable ailment. 
When we were growing up together we used to laugh about the great risk a 
mosquito took in biting Jack Kennedy-with some of his blood the mosquito was 
almost sure to die. He was in Chelsea Naval Hospital for an extended period of 
time after the war, had a major and painful operation on his back in 1955, 
campaigned on crutches in 1958. In 1951 on a trip we took around the world he 
became ill. We flew to the military hospital in Oki要awa and he had a 
temperature of over 106 degrees. They didn't think he would live.
"But during all this time, I never heard him complain. I never heard him say 
anything that would indicate that he felt God had dealt with him unjustly. 
Those who knew him well would know he was suffering only because his face was a 
little whiter, the lines around his eyes were a little deeper, his words a 
little sharper. Those who did not know him well detected nothing."7

After the Ya 109 crew's rescue, Kennedy wondered at the purpose of a life that 
had been spared again, this time through the circular pattern of deep訃unning 
currents and the compassion of Melanesian natives.'

Preventing another war became John Kennedy's main motivation for entering 
politics after the Second World War. When he announced his can苓idacy for 
Congress on April 22, 1946, in Boston, Kennedy sounded more like he was running 
for president on a peace ticket than for a first term as a Democratic member of 
Congress from Massachusetts: "What we do now will shape the history of 
civilization for many years to come. We have a weary world trying to bind the 
wounds of a fierce struggle. That is dire enough. What is infinitely far worse 
is that we have a world which has unleashed the terrible powers of atomic 
energy. We have a world capable of destroying itself. The days which lie ahead 
are most difficult ones. Above all, day and night, with every ounce of 
ingenuity and industry we possess, we must work for peace. We must not have 
another war."9

Where had this twenty-eight-year-old candidate for Congress forged such a 
vision of peace in the nuclear age?

After his bad back and colitis had forced his discharge from the Navy, Kennedy 
had attended the San Francisco conference that founded the United Nations in 
April-May 1945, as a journalist for the Hearst press. He later told friends it 
was his experience at the UN meeting and at the Potsdam con-
6       JFK and the Unspeakable
ference in July that made him realize that the political arena, "whether you 
really liked it or not, was the place where you personally could do the most
to prevent another war. "'0
However, what he witnessed in San Francisco, even before the war was over, was 
an intense conflict between wartime allies. On April 30 he warned his readers 
that "this week at San Francisco" would be "the real test of whether the 
Russians and the Americans can get along."11
11






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