-----Original Message-----
From: Ben Seattle <>
Date: Friday, December 24, 2004 10:33 PM
Subject: [pof-300] Ben Seattle challenges
Janx (RCYB supporter) to show he is for real

============================================================
Ben Seattle challenges Janx to show he is for real
============================================================

Excerpts from thread at:
http://atlanta.indymedia.org/newswire/display/35300/index.php

Hi Janx,

Ok, I read the first of the articles that you recommended (ie:
dictatorship and democracy). The speech, together with the
questions and answers, totalled more than 70 thousand words (ie:
92 pages when I printed it out with half inch margins).
Considering that the RCP, in spite of its problems, does a number
of useful things in the movement -- I take it seriously as a
political trend -- and at least once every ten years I will read
an article by your chairman Bob, even though he is one of the
most long-winded and digressive speakers since the death of the
charlatan Hardial Bains. So I am now good until the year 2015.

I had to read in his speech all these _stories_ about Krushchev,
Stalin, Mao, Hitler, Kennedy and the Dalai Lama in order to
better understand how your group believes that society will be
run after the bourgeoisie are overthrown. These stories can be
useful history to many activists who know very little of the real
history of this century. But to me it was somewhat painful to
wade thru all this stuff because I have been around the block and
am already familiar with it all.

------------------------------------------------------------
Why many activists dislike the RCP
------------------------------------------------------------

I know that many of the RCP's supporters are sensitive to
perceived disrespect of their organization. If my remarks here
appear to be flippant or borderline disrespectful -- please
understand that I want to encourage other activists to
communicate and engage with you and intend to demonstrate to
other activists, who may read these words, that it is possible to
communicate with your group without either (a) trashing you
completely or (b) displaying an overly reverential attitude which
deadens the spirit of calling you on your mistakes.

Many activists in the movement intensely dislike your group. I
think that the main reasons for this are (1) a perception of
cult-like behavior by your group and (2) an instinctive disgust
with your theoretical views concerning how society will be run
after bourgeois rule is overthrown (ie: you guys really do
believe that your organization will be running things during this
period and will, during times of crisis, have final say
concerning who is allowed to speak and who will need to be
suppressed as a "counter-revolutionary").

I am not going to address the issue of cult-like behavior. There
are a lot of groups on the left with strange or manipulative
behavior and nobody is perfect. I do not want to get bogged down
into discussion of what does (or does not) constitute annoying or
frustrating behavior because, frankly, in the context of the
present exchange between you and me -- this is not really
important. If the two of us can talk to one another as one
activist to another -- and if we can treat one another with
respect -- and make an effort to listen to one another -- then
there is a basis for sincere and productive discussion.

Nor am I in the least bit frightened of your theoretical views
(ie: your views of Mao or Stalin or your assessment that, while
they were alive, the Soviet Union and China represented a form of
workers' rule). The anarchists, of course, are really frightened
by your views -- because they actually imagine (as do you) that
you might come to power and, in the context of a crisis, shut
them up.

I have more confidence in the working class than this. No group
(or collection of groups) is going to win the respect and
attention of the working class (much less lead the working class
to victory against the bourgeoisie) until it demonstrates that it
actually understands the conditions of modern society well enough
to dispose of the mythology that has accumulated over many
decades concerning the "DOP" (ie: the dictatorship of the
proletariat).

------------------------------------------------------------
Smashing myths
------------------------------------------------------------

The first myth is that the "DOP" is really the dictatorship of a
party. The bourgeoisie promotes this line, the Soviet and CHinese
revisionists promoted this line -- and so do you (see above: "at
the beginning of socialism it will very likely seem like it").

The second myth is that the ruling party/state will suppress
criticism (ie: suppress the democratic rights of speech,
organization and assembly) from sources it does not like.

These myths grew out of the Soviet and Chinese experiences.
During the period in which Lenin was alive the party and the
state _were_ merged and the party/state _did_ suppress its
critics. Lenin did not apologize for these things because they
were necessary emergency measures in the wake of a civil war that
had shattered the economy and created a famine in which 20
million died.

But Lenin never called these emergency measures "socialism". He
did (at various times) call these measures the "dictatorship of
the proletariat" and this has, unfortunately, led to a great deal
of confusion -- because the working class, as a _class_, never
ruled in Russia. What existed instead was the rule of a party
which was determined to create the conditions that would make
this possible (ie: a functioning economy and the democratic
rights that could not be restored in the absence of a functioning
economy without setting in train a series of events that would
have quickly resulted in a restoration of bourgeois rule).

Unfortunately, the restoration of the shattered economy took more
than ten years -- and by that time the ruling party appears to
have degenerated (and to become the organizing center for a new
ruling class). The emergency measures which Lenin instituted, and
which were intended to be temporary, became enshrined as
supposedly permanent features of workers' rule -- and the
permanent suppression of the independent political voice and
independent political life of the working class was justified by
a new state religion called "marxism-leninism".

These myths have been promoted by Stalinists and Trotskyists
alike -- and by the bourgeoisie -- and have resulted in a "crisis
of theory" which makes it very difficult for even the most
serious and militant activists to understand, in a realistic way,
what the alternative to bourgeois rule will look like in the
context of a modern developed society under stable conditions
(ie: with a functioning economy, a working class majority, not in
the midst of civil war or under major military attack by
imperialist powers, etc).

------------------------------------------------------------
confronting the crisis of theory
------------------------------------------------------------

Any serious and sober attempt to confront the crisis of theory
(as it applies to a modern country like the U.S. with a developed
economy and communications infrastructure) must recognize that it
will be neither necessary (nor even possible) to suppress, on a
long-term basis, the basic democratic rights of the population to
either voice their views -- or to become familar with the views
of others (even if these views are reactionary).

A real workers' state, under modern conditions, will instead work
to suppress reactionary views only in those forms of
communication that are based on commercial resources (ie: forms
of communication that make use of paid labor rather than
volunteer labor, or similar commercial resources). Forms of
speech that are outside of the commodity sphere (ie: web sites,
leaflets or newsletters by individuals or groups on the basis of
volunteer labor and which receive no money from advertizing, etc)
will be essentially unregulated by the workers' state.

This alone will cut the bourgeois apologists down to size --
where they will be confronted by the energy (and the bitter
experience) of the masses who will expose and defeat them in
millions and billions of individual public encounters.

------------------------------------------------------------
Efforts of the RCP to correct its errors
------------------------------------------------------------

The most interesting thing about Avakian's speech is that it
appears to represent a certain striving (within both the ranks
and the leadership of the RCP) to make contact with reality.
Voices in your organization (including chairman Bob) are begining
to recognize that you actually know a lot less than you thought
you did. Even Bob, himself, admits that sometimes he has read
things that he has written -- and realized that it is bullshit.

The problem that the RCP faces, as it struggles to develop more
scientific views and overcome the cultish beliefs and practices
that hold it back and are annoying to many activists, is
two-fold:

(1) the need to hold the organization together
(2) the need to remain focused on its core mission:
     the mobilization of the working class
     for the overthrow of bourgeois rule

In his 70 thousand word speech, chairman Bob discussed his
concern that the RCP would be pulled in different directions (ie:
split or disintegrate) by comparing the situation to the old
English practice of "quartering" where stout ropes would be tied
from each of a person's arms and legs to four strong horses which
would pull the person apart. This is a painful prospect and
reasonable concern.

The organization which I supported (ie: the Marxist-Leninst
Party) disintegrated in confusion in 1993 under the pressure of
attempting to confront the crisis of theory and place its views
on a more scientific basis. Amid acrimonious infighting,
two-thirds of the members of the MLP collapsed into complete
passivity. Much of the rest of the organization retreated into
sectarianism (ie: the Communist Voice Organization -- which in
spite of its problems still does a fair amount of useful work for
its size -- just like the RCP). A few people around the MLP
became outright reformists -- kissing the ass of Social-Democracy
and the left wing of the Democratic Party that they had formerly
denounced (correctly) as flunkies of the bourgeoisie.

I think that the description of your organizational project
needing to be a "solid core with a lot of elasticity" is a
reasonable way to approach this. You guys need to be able to talk
to one another (as well as to activists and to people like me) in
a calm way as you all work to come down to earth in such a way
that your organization does not disintegrate into passivity,
reformism or sectarianism (ie: more than it is already
sectarian).

It will become clear, with time, that many of your current
positions in relation to Stalin, Mao, your exalted chairman
himself and "MLM" are untenable. The danger is that, as this
happens, many around your organization will also conclude that
your basic mission (ie: the overthrow of bourgeois rule and its
replacement with workers' rule) is unrealistic. So I would think
it would be better for your organization to undergo a "soft
landing", so to speak, rather than to crash like the MLP did.

The working class needs a genuine mass revolutionary
organization. Such an organization does not currently exist. It
will need to be created -- and it will be. And I see no reason
that people around your group could not play a principled and
useful role in this process.

------------------------------------------------------------
Theoretical poverty (example # 1)
------------------------------------------------------------

Janx:
> I also want to genuinely encourage you
> to dig into these documents and
> let us know what you think

Well, Janx, I have the ability to tell _you_ what I think (if you
are prepared to listen). To what extent my views will penetrate
up the ranks of your organization to the people who prepared the
very poorly thought-thru "Battle For The Future" leaflet -- I am
frankly, very deeply skeptical.

The comments that Avakian makes in his speech that are directly
related to the attitude of your group concerning the democratic
rights of the masses after the overthrow of bourgeois rule --
could probably be put on a single page (instead of spread
diffusely over 92 pages). What we find out is that the RCP
recognizes that a revolutionary government would find a greater
need to "tighten the reins" during periods in which it was weak
and insecure -- and would feel less of a need to do this during
periods when it felt strong and secure. And this may be true.

But nowhere does you organization recognize that any
revolutionary government which denies the basic democratic rights
(ie: speech, assembly, organization, agitation, etc) to the
working class as a whole cannot be said to represent the rule of
the working class as a class -- ie: cannot be said to constitute
the "dictatorship of the proletariat" but can, _at best_, be said
to represent the dictatorship of a group which _intends_ to
create the D of P.

Nowhere does your organization recognize that, in the context of
a modern, stable society, it will be neither necessary (nor even
possible) for a revolutionary government to silence the voices of
its political opponents (whether the voices of worker critics or
reactionary critics) over the long term.

Avakian gives a highly disingenuous example of a situation where
the ruling party/state might need to suppress the voice of
critics:

> I was having another discussion with
> another poet, and he was arguing that
> you really shouldn't suppress ideas,
> you really have to let all these ideas
> come out, and then criticize the things
> that you think are wrong and let people
> learn. And I said: "Well, that's good
> as a principle, and it should be applied
> to a significant degree, but you can't
> make an absolute out of that." And I
> gave this example: imagine if you were
> trying to build a new society, and you
> go down the street and at every street
> corner are paintings of women being
> raped and Black people being lynched.
> Do you think you could build a new
> society with those images assaulting
> people at every turn? Some things you
> have to put your foot down and say
> "This will not be allowed, because if
> it is, the masses of people are going
> to be demoralized and disoriented, and
> the reactionaries are going to be
> emboldened."

Excuse me but this is exactly how charlatans argue.

When was the last time, Janx, that you, living under conditions
of bourgeois democracy, walked down the street and were
confronted at every corner with such clear incitements to rape
and lynching?

Is this supposed to be a realistic example of why a revolutionary
government would need to silence the voices of its critics?

------------------------------------------------------------
Theoretical poverty (example # 2)
------------------------------------------------------------

Elsewhere, while discussing the need for "freedom of expression,
freedom of ideas", Avakian says:

> if you want to put it crudely -- we can't
> promise the intellectuals some of the
> same things that the bourgeoisie is able
> to afford them now.

I think that this sums up where the RCP, and many other similar
groups, fail to understand the material conditions of modern
society.

Taken literally, of course, an argument could be made that
Avakian is correct. Today, for example, the bourgeoisie can say
to someone like Rush Limbaugh or Tom Leykis (if you want to call
them intellectuals) that they can make millions of dollars
spouting reactionary nonsense.

That, of course, is not going to happen when society is ruled by
the working class.

People like Limbaugh or Leykis will be able to spout reactionary
poison if they want -- but they won't be able to make any money
doing so -- nor will anyone with money be able to use that money
to _amplify_ the volume of their reactionary garbage.

How will this work?

Anti-people demogogues (and reactionaries of all sorts) will have
the right to spew their poison only in the sphere of media that
is free of commodity relations.

Reactionary ideologues derive much of their power from the fact
that their voice is amplified a million fold by the resources of
the wealthy. Once this artifical amplification is eliminated (ie:
by a revolutionary government which expresses the democratic will
of the masses by regulating all media which is commercial or is
backed by commercial resources) the reactionary demogogues will
be cut down to size and find themselves overwhelmed by the energy
and experience of the masses.

This is fundamental because, by making a clear distinction
between commercial media (which the revolutionary government will
have the right to regulate) and free media (which will remain
essentially unregulated), the potential for the abuse of power is
reduced enormously.

History informs us that whenever the potential to suppress has
existed -- it has eventually been used to suppress the voice of
the masses. Even Mao himself, by way of example, was unable to
get his essays (which launched the Proletarian Revolution)
published in Beijing (he eventually was able to publish in
Shanghai).

The _rights_ of the masses to openly criticise and organize
against the incompetence, hypocrisy and corruption that will
inevitably emerge even in the workers' state -- will be
_fundamental_ to the dictatorship of the proletariat in the
context of modern, stable conditions.

Technology helps us to see this -- because censorship in an
economy that is based on a modern communications
infrastructure -- is becoming increasingly impractical. For
example, the corrupt, revisionist Chinese government is already
finding that it requires an ever-larger army of censors to
maintain control of the electronic discourse in public forums --
and as internet usage in China continues to expand -- their
problems in this sphere are growing exponentially.

The concerns of activists that the RCP has a "totalitarian"
agenda has emerged as a major stumbling block in the ability of
the RCP to "change the terms" of the political debate in society
(the term "totalitarian" for example can be found 14 times in
Avakian's speech and the Q&A that follows). But the RCP is unable
to confront this challenge _directly_ because they do not
understand the material conditions of modern society -- they do
not understand that the media sphere will be a thousand times
richer in proletarian society -- they do not understand how the
media ecosystem will function as a result of the interplay
between the regulated commercial media sector and the unregulated
free media sector.

This is why Avakian's timidity on this topic is _hidden_ (ie:
buried under the protection of 92 pages of discursive long-winded
ramblings about Krushchev, Stalin, Mao, Hitler, Kennedy,
Ferdinand Marcos, the Shah of Iran, Howard Dean, David Letterman,
Amy Goodman, Noam Chomsky and the Dalai Lama) in the course of a
speech that spends 98% of its content talking about the
hypocrisies to be found under bourgeois democracy -- and 2% of
its content attempting to make apologies for the mistaken notion
that a genuine workers' state (supported by the overwhelming
majority of the population) will need to be afraid of (and will
need to suppress) the voices of its opponents.

This is why the leaflet "The Battle For The Future" does not
contain a single word about democratic rights but can simply
repeat stale and clueless phrases about "unleashing" or
"embracing" the masses. We can do better than this.

------------------------------------------------------------
My challenge to Janx
------------------------------------------------------------

Since you admit, Janx, that I am raising very important
questions -- and you also admit that you know nothing about
them -- then why not read some of _my_ work where I give answers
to these questions? I am a theoretician who is focused on
resolving the crisis of theory and, in particular, on the nature
of workers' rule in the context of a modern, stable society (ie:
such as you and I live in). Comrade Bob says that people around
your party need to get better at dealing with ideas -- so why
don't you become familiar with some of my ideas?
You can start by reading the two articles I listed above:

Proletarism is anti-revisionist Marxism for the 21st century
http://struggle.net/proletarism

Politics, Economics and the Mass Media
when the working class runs the show
http://struggle.net/ALDS/essay_153_content.htm

And, if you want to go a little bit deeper than the relatively
short articles above -- you can look at my article "The World for
which We Fight" (ie: part 7 of the Anarcho_Leninist Debate on the
State at http://struggle.net/ALDS ).

More than this, you can join me on the pof-200 email list --
which is focused on the crisis of theory as well as other tasks
which are decisive in the struggle to overthrow bourgeois rule.
The pof-200 list allows all subscribers to post only once a week
(this is to maintain an acceptable signal-to-noise ratio on a
list which includes many young people who may not always
understand that they are clueless).

Send email to:
    pof-200-subscribe (at) yahoogroups.com

List info at:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/pof-200/

The list could certainly use someone, like yourself, who has
experience in the revolutionary movement. I should be clear,
however, that I am inviting _you_ (or any serious activists who
may be reading this Indymedia post) to participate in the life of
the list with your _own_ views and opinions. Activists who simply
post the "latest" from their organization without taking the time
to answer questions about it or engage in discussion -- are
encouraged to go somewhere else.

So this is my challenge to you, Janx. I read the 70,000 word
speech by a long-winded leader "the likes of which this country
has never seen before" -- and I now challenge you to read some of
what I have written -- and to tell me what you think of it -- on
the pof-200 list. I can assure you that my work is far more
concise and focused than that of chairman Bob.

Sincerely and revolutionary regards,
Ben Seattle
http://struggle.net/ben

============================================================
Appendix -- previous portions on the same Indymedia thread
============================================================

Excerpted from:
http://atlanta.indymedia.org/newswire/display/35300/index.php

------------------------------------------------------------
step up and Battle For The Future!!!!
by Janx    19 Dec 2004
------------------------------------------------------------

The RCYB and other communist forces in Atlanta are organizing to
massively distribute this statment to hundreds of thousands of
people in Atlanta and the suroounding areas.

To do this

The flyer is now availble in the Atlanta area for people to get
bundles of!

We aim to distribute millions of copies of this statement across
the country in the next few weeks. Our goal is to have a major
impact on society. To change the terms of the debate. To help
build a massive movement of resistance to the Bush juggernaut of
war and fascism that will manifest in the streets across of this
county on inauguration day and beyond. To bring our dreams of a
different future into reality. To let people know we have a
leader in RCP Chairman Bob Avakian that can lead a mighty
struggle to make revolution and remake all of society- with his
pathbreaking vision of a society we would really WANT to live in.

If you have not already done so, read the statement. Let us know
what you think. Bring your ideas, your creativity your questions
and yes yes yes your disagreements to us and help figure out how
we can rise to the occasion. Strategize with us on how to spread
it to every corner of the U.S.- red and blue states, campuses and
universities, rural ares, suburbs and cities.

------------------------------------------------------------
Reply to Janx re: democratic rights
by Ben Seattle     19 Dec 2004
------------------------------------------------------------

Quote from Janx:

"Let us know what you think. Bring your ideas, your creativity
your questions and yes yes yes your disagreements to us and help
figure out how we can rise to the occasion"

Ok Janx, give some thought to the questions I raise above related
to the nature of democratic rights in a modern, economically
developed society after bourgeois rule has been overthrown. This
will help your organization rize to the occasion.

Will workers' rule necessarily assume the form of the rule of a
single party that has final say over who is (and who is not)
allowed to express his views?
If your organization cannot give thoughtful replies to critics
(including a correct answer to questions related to democratic
rights in post-bourgeois society) then you may not yet be
deserving of the respect and attention of the working class.

Ben Seattle
http://struggle.net/ben

------------------------------------------------------------
Re: The Battle For The Future Will Be Fought From Here Forward!
by janx    22 Dec 2004
------------------------------------------------------------

"Ben Seattle" raises some very important and deep
questions, despite the unnecessarily hostile tone and
approach. Among the contradictions he speaks to is,
when a revolutionary communist party wins a revolution
and has state power, will it not become a police state
as well? In fact Ben goes on to say that this is
exactly what happened in China and the Soviet Union.

I do not want to undervalue or underrate to extreme
importance of deeply thinking through and
understanding the questions that Ben raises. However
at this moment I can only make a brief reply and
cannot answer all the contradictions that he raises.
Another point, I do not want to pretend that I have
all the answers to these questions, like so many
others, I am trying to learn how to change the world.

I think its important to engage what Bob Avakian has
been writing about recently, we all need to
RE-envision socialism and communism. He is challenging
all communists to look back through our history with a
scientific and fearless methodology and learn from
both the positive and negative lessons.

The proletariat (those that who are most exploited by
the capitalist mode of production) is the class who
has the most interest in overthrowing capitalism and
running a society in the interests of humanity. Any
society in a class divided world will be run by the
interests of one class or another. Socialist society
is the society in which the proletarian classes'
interest is in controland setting the terms of
society. But this is not to say that newly emerging
capitalists (including and in particular, members of
the communist party) will not try to overthrow the
rule of the masses.

The society I am talking about is called the
dictatorship of the proletariat, and it is in
opposition to the current capitalist society and
vastly more democratic than the society we live in
today, the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie (aka
bourgeois democracy).

The dictatorship of the proletariat (DOP) during socialism,
is a necessary step to bringing a better world into
being. Now, what Ben poses is that this DOP is really
a dictatorship of the revolutionary communist party.
And, in all honesty, at the beginning of sociailism it
will very likely seem like it. It will be a major
challenge and necessity for all genuine
revolutionaries to build new organs of state power
asap that allow more and more of the masses of people
to run and rule all society. Some of the organs of
power will have to have been built during the
revolutionary period.

Yet this is not and will not be enough!!! Bob Avakian
has been writing extensively on these questions. How
do we "expand the we" under socialism? Why dissent and
debate are necessary and must be embraced under
socialism, not suppressed and crushed! That the masses
have been kept from learning how to work with ideas,
that this contradiction (between those that are
trained to work with their minds, and those that are
trained to work with hands) must be overcome as a part
of the masses more and more firmly ruling all of
society. and much more. Like I said before I cannot
write much at this time.

I encourage you to read the recent series of article
by Bob Avakian on Dictatorship and Democracy. I think
in these article you may find that you do not know the
RCP's perspective as well as you may think! lol, and
hopefully you will find this very refreshing!

http://rwor.org/bob_avakian/new_speech/avakian_democracy_dictator
ship_speech.htm

In the most recent issue of the Revolutionary Worker
an article was published on epistemology. What Bob
Avakian talks about in this article is a real advance
from the traditional thinking in the international
communist movement, including that of Lenin and Mao. I
encourage you to check this article out.

------------------------------------------------------------
Re: The Battle For The Future Will Be Fought From Here Forward!
by janx        22 Dec 2004
------------------------------------------------------------

Sorry about the double reply, if a mod could take care of that it
would be great, I apologize for the inconvenience.

Ben said "Ok Janx, give some thought to the questions I raise
above related to the nature of democratic rights in a modern,
economically developed society after bourgeois rule has been
overthrown. This will help your organization rize to the
occasion."

I agree totally! This is a deep question (as I spoke to in my
last reply a bit) and needs a lot of thought. How do we bring
into being a new society in which the seeds of a whole new and
better world are being planted, and a society that people would
want to live in; all the while not setting the masses up for
defeat. The extent to which revolutionaries give thought to these
question has everything to do with whether or not we will rise to
the occasion.

And it may interest you to know that it is exactly this question
(and questions related to this) that Bob Avakian has speaking to
and bringing new insights and understanding to.

Dictatorship and Democracy, and the Socialist Transition to
Communism
http://rwor.org/chair_e.htm#democracyspeech

On Proletarian Democracy and Proletarian Dictatorship--A
Radically Different View of Leading Society
http://rwor.org/chair_e.htm#onproletarian

I also want to genuinely encourage you to dig into these
documents and let us know what you think about what our leader is
saying. Like it asked in the RCP statement at the top of this
page "Will you bring your ideas, your creativity, your questions
and yes, your disagreements to us, and help figure out how we can
rise to the occasion?" Clearly you have stepped up, and are
bringing your questions and some of your perceived disagreements
(as well as some very real ones). Lets keep up this conversation,
as before, my email is at the top of this thread.




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