It's not psychology, but since it has come up here, I'll have to give 
my response here!

Reference Richard Hake's important post "The Cult of Statistical 
Significance", which contains a link to AERA-L listserv:
http://listserv.aera.net/scripts/wa.exe?A2=ind1010&L=AERA-L&F=&S=&X=25C042478B751B1DD7&Y=rrhake%40earthlink.net&P=2053

Quote: "Math-Teach's Domenico Rosa (2010), in his post 'The Cult of 
Statistical Significance - A Book Review' has called attention to the 
review of Ziliak & McCloskey (2008) by Olle Häggström (2010).

"According to Häggström: […]

"Carver (1993) subjected the Michelson and Morley (1887) data to a 
simple analysis of variance (ANOVA) AND FOUND STATISTICAL SIGNIFICANCE 
ASSOCIATED WITH THE DIRECTION THE LIGHT WAS TRAVELING (p < 0.001 )! He 
writes, 'It is interesting to speculate how the course of history might 
have changed if Michelson and Morley had been trained to use this 
CORRUPT FORM OF THE SCIENTIFIC METHOD, that is, testing the null 
hypothesis first. They might have concluded that there was evidence of 
SIGNIFICANT differences in the speed of light associated with its 
direction and that therefore there was evidence for the luminiferous 
ether...' […]"


Carver suggests that "the course of history might have been changed…" 
It is arguable that there are two misconceptions here. The first is 
that definite conclusions would have been drawn from the results of 
*one* experiment. But (hopefully!) science doesn't work like that:

"Other versions of the experiment were carried out with increasing 
sophistication. Kennedy and Illingworth both modified the mirrors to 
include a half-wave 'step', eliminating the possibility of some sort of 
standing wave pattern within the apparatus. Illingworth could detect 
changes on the order of 1/300th of a fringe, Kennedy up to 1/1500th. 
Miller later built a non-magnetic device to eliminate magnetostriction, 
while Michelson built one of non-expanding invar to eliminate any 
remaining thermal effects. Others from around the world increased 
accuracy, eliminated possible side effects, or both."
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Michelson%E2%80%93Morley_experiment

Second, the allusion to the course of [scientific] history presumably 
relates to Einstein's epoch-making 1905 special relativity paper, which 
takes as a fundamental premise the constancy of the speed of light in 
vacuo. But some eminent historians of physics have convincingly argued 
that the Michelson-Morley experiment (1887) did not play a significant 
role in Einstein's thought processes during the gestation period and 
final development of his theory. See J. Stachel, "How Did Einstein 
Discover Special Relativity?","Einstein and Ether Drift Experiments", 
"Einstein and Michelson" and "Einstein on the Theory of Relativity", 
reprinted in *Einstein From 'B' to 'Z'* (2002), pp. 157-214; G. Holton, 
"Einstein, Michelson, and the 'Crucial' Experiment'," chapter 8, *The 
Thematic Origins of Scientific Thought: Kepler to Einstein* (1988 
edition), pp. 279-370; A. Pais, *Subtle is the Lord: The Science and 
the Life of Albert Einstein* (1982), pp. 111-137.

Quote: "[The preceding material] shows that the principal argument 
which ultimately led [Einstein] to the special theory was not so much 
the need to resolve the conflict between the Michelson-Morley result 
and the version of aether theory prevalent in the late nineteenth 
century but rather, *independent of the Michelson-Morley experiment*, 
the rejection of this nineteenth century edifice as inherently 
unconvincing and artificial" (Pais, 1982, p. 117).

Quote: "Yet, the experimenticist fallacy of imposing a logical sequence 
must be resisted... [...] The basic achievement of Einstein's theory... 
was that at the cost of sacrificing all these [traditional 
conceptions], it gave us a new unity in the understanding of nature" 
(Holton, 1988, p. 347).

Allen Esterson
Former lecturer, Science Department
Southwark College, London
[email protected]
http://www.esterson.org



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