http://wearechangecoloradosprings.org/blog/2009/10/11/ 


How the Federal Reserve rips you off


Most Americans haven’t thought much about the strange entity that controls
the nation’s money. Visitors to Washington can see the Federal Reserve’s
palatial headquarters, the monetary parallel to the Supreme Court or the
U.S. Capitol. We hear the Fed chairman testify to Congress, citing complex
data, making predictions, and attempting to intimidate anyone who would take
issue. He postures as master of the universe, completely knowledgeable and
in control.

But how much do we really know about what goes on inside the Fed? Even with
the newest round of bailouts, journalists had difficulty determining where
the money was coming from and where it was headed. From its founding in
1913, secrecy and inside deals have been part of the way the Fed works.

It says that its job is to keep inflation in check. But this is like the car
industry claiming to control road congestion. The Fed might attempt to stop
the effects of inflation, namely rising prices. But under the old definition
of inflation—an artificial increase in the supply of money and credit—the
reason for its existence is to generate more, not less.

The banking industry has always had trouble with the idea of a free market
that provides opportunities for both profits and losses. The first part, the
industry likes. The second is another matter. That is the reason for the
constant drive in American history toward the centralization of money, a
trend that not only benefits the largest banks with the most to lose from a
sound-money system, but also the government, which is able to use an elastic
system as an alternative form of revenue support.

Whenever instability turns up, we see efforts to socialize the losses, but
rarely do people question the source of instability. Economist Jesús Huerta
de Soto places the blame on the institution of fractional-reserve banking.
This is the notion that depositors’ money in use as cash may also be loaned
out for speculative projects, then re-deposited. The system works as long as
people do not attempt to withdraw their money all at once. In the face of
such a demand, banks turn to other banks to provide liquidity. But when the
failure becomes system-wide, they turn to government.

The core of the problem is the conglomeration of two distinct functions of a
bank. The first is warehousing, whereby banks keep money safe and provide
checking, ATM access, record keeping, and online payment, services for which
consumers are traditionally asked to pay. The second service the bank
provides is a loan service, seeking out investments and putting money at
risk in search of return.

The institution of fractional reserves mixes these functions, such that
warehousing becomes a source for lending. The bank loans out money that has
been warehoused—and stands ready to use in checking accounts or other forms
of checkable deposits—and that loaned money is deposited yet again in
checkable deposits. It is loaned out again and deposited, with each
depositor treating the loan money as an asset on the books. In this way,
fractional reserves create new money, pyramiding it on a fraction of old
deposits. An initial deposit of $1,000, thanks to this “money multiplier,”
turns into $10,000. The Fed adds reserves to the balances of member banks in
the hope of inspiring ever more lending.

As customers, we believe that we can have both perfect security for our
money, withdrawing it whenever we want and never expecting it not to be
there, while still earning a return on that same money. In a true free
market, however, there tends to be a tradeoff: you can enjoy the service of
a warehouse or loan your money and hope for a return. The Fed, by backing up
fractional-reserve banking with a promise of endless bailouts and money
creation, attempts to keep the illusion going.

The history of banking legislation can be seen as an elaborate attempt to
patch the holes in this leaking boat. Thus have we created deposit
insurance, established the “too-big-to-fail” doctrine, and approved schemes
for emergency injections to keep an unstable system afloat .

The story can be said to begin in 1775, when the Continental Congress issued
paper money called the Continental. The currency was inflated to the point
of disaster, the first great hyperinflation in U.S. history, and it gave
rise to a hard-money school of thought that would agitate against central
banking and paper money for generations. It also explains why the
Constitution placed a ban on paper money and permitted only gold and silver.

In 1791, the First Bank of the United States was chartered, and in 1792,
Congress passed the Coinage Act recognizing the dollar as the national
currency. Fortunately, the charter on the incipient central bank was not
renewed and expired in 1811.

In 1812, with war raging between Britain and the U.S., the government issued
notes to finance the war, resulting in suspensions of payment as well as
inflation. During a war, inflation is something you might expect, but
instead of permitting normal conditions to return, in 1816, Congress
chartered the Second Bank of the United States, which aided and abetted ever
more expansion and the creation of a boom-bust cycle.

Nineteenth-century banking theorist Condy Raguet explains:

The sanction of the community was extended to them during the continuance of
the war then existing with Great Britain, on account of the belief that
their condition was forced upon them by the peculiar circumstances of the
country; but no sooner had peace returned in the early part of 1815, than
all their pledges were violated, and instead of manifesting by their actions
a desire to contract their loans so as to place themselves in a situation
for complying with their obligations, they actually expanded the currency by
extraordinary issues, whilst there was no existing check upon them, until
its depreciation became so great that speculation and overtrading in all
their disastrous forms, involved the country in a scene of wretchedness,
from which it did not recover in ten years.

The inevitable downturn came—the Panic of 1819. But it ended peacefully
precisely because nothing was done to stop it. Jefferson pointed out that
the panic was only wiping out wealth that was fictitious to begin with.
After massive political agitation, and following Andrew Jackson’s Executive
Order that withdrew the federal government’s deposits from the bank, the
Second Bank closed in 1836.

But the war between North and South set off another round of inflationary
finance, eventually killing off wartime currencies and prompting another
deflation that set the stage for a gold standard that was solid but not
perfect. Its flaws—banks were permitted fractional reserves and were
beginning to rely on regulations to dampen competition—created the dynamic
that led to the Federal Reserve.

Jacob Schiff, head of Kuhn, Loeb, and Co., gave a speech in 1906 that began
the push for a central bank. He explained that the “country needed money to
prevent the next crisis.” He worked with his partner Paul Moritz Warburg and
Frank Vanderlip of the National City Bank of New York to create a commission
that called for a “central bank of issue under the control of the
government.” They began to work within other organizations to push the
agenda, winning over the American Banking Association and important players
in government.

Once the groundwork was laid, the crisis atmosphere of 1907 assisted. During
this brief contraction many banks stopped paying out gold to depositors.
This led to a consolidation of opinion in favor of a general guarantor.

In 1908, Congress created a National Monetary Commission to look into
banking reform. It was staffed by people close to the largest banks: First
National Banking of New York, Kuhn Loeb, Bankers Trust Company, and the
Continental National Bank of Chicago. By 1909, President William Howard Taft
endorsed a central bank and theWall Street Journal ran a 14-part series
making the case. The series was unsigned but was written by a NMC member,
Charles A. Conant, and made the usual arguments for elasticity, but added
additional functions that the central bank could play, including
manipulating the discount rate and gold flows as well as bailing out failing
banks. Pamphleteering, scholarly statements, political speeches, and press
releases by merchant groups followed.

By November 1910, the time was right for drafting the bill that would become
the Federal Reserve Act. A meeting was convened at a Georgia resort called
the Jekyll Island Club, co-owned by J.P. Morgan. The players took elaborate
steps to preserve secrecy, and the press reported that it was a duck-hunting
expedition. But history recorded who was there: John D. Rockefeller’s man in
the Senate, Nelson Aldrich; Morgan senior partner Henry Davison; German
émigré and central-banking advocate Paul Warburg; National City Bank vice
president Frank Vanderlip; and NMC staffer A. Piatt Andrew, who was also
assistant secretary of the Treasury. Two Rockefellers, two Morgans, one Kuhn
Loeb person, and one economist—the essence of the Fed: powerful bankers and
government officials working together to make the nation’s money system
serve their interests, with economists there to provide scientific gloss. It
has been pretty much the same ever since.

The structure they proposed would be “decentralized” into 12 member banks,
providing cover for the cartelization, and was presented to the National
Monetary Commission in 1911. Then the propaganda was stepped up with
newspaper editorials, phony citizens’ leagues, and endorsements from trade
organizations.

With a vote by Congress, the government conferred legitimacy on a cartel of
bankers and permitted them to inflate the money supply at will, insulating
them against the consequences of bad loans and overextension of credit. Hans
Sennholz called the creation of the Fed “the most tragic blunder ever
committed by Congress. The day it was passed, old America died and a new era
began. A new institution was born that was to cause, or greatly contribute
to, the unprecedented economic instability in the decades to come.”

It was a form of financial socialism that benefited the rich and powerful.
As for the excuse, it was then what it is now: the Fed would protect the
monetary and financial system against inflation and violent swings in market
activity. It would stabilize the system by providing stimulus when it was
necessary and pulling back on inflation when the economy overheated.

A statement by the comptroller of the currency in 1914 promised nirvana: the
Fed “supplies a circulating medium absolutely safe.” Further, “under the
operation of this law such financial and commercial crises, or ‘panics,’ as
this country experienced in 1873, in 1893, and again in 1907, with the
attendant misfortunes and prostrations, seem to be mathematically
impossible. … It is hoped that the national-bank failures can hereafter be
virtually eliminated.”

Reality has been much different. Consider the dramatic decline in the value
of the dollar since the Fed was established. The goods and services you
could buy for $1 in 1913 now cost nearly $21. We might say that the
government and its banking cartel have together stolen $0.95 of every dollar
as they have pursued a relentlessly inflationary policy.

As for the abolition of panics, 20th-century recessions documented by the
National Bureau of Economic Research include: 1918-19, 1920-21, 1923-24,
1926-27, 1929-33, 1937-38, 1945, 1948-49, 1953-54, 1957-58, 1960-61,
1969-70, 1973-75, 1980, 1981-82, 1990-91, 2001, 2007, and the current panic
with no end in sight. Some mathematical impossibility!

One aspect of the promise that has been kept: banks don’t fail as they used
to. But is this really a good thing? If businesses are not allowed to fail,
what gives them incentive to succeed with soundness and productivity to the
common good? In a competitive and free system, deposits would not be unsafe;
any that were not paid back as promised would fall under fraud laws.
Deposits that would be unsafe would be loans to the bank that would be
treated like any other risky investment. Consumers would keep a more careful
watch over the institutions that are handling their money and stop trusting
regulators in Washington.

As the years have gone on, the Fed has been granted ever more leeway in the
means it uses to inflate the money supply. It can now buy just about
anything it wants and write it down as an asset. When it buys debt, it buys
with newly created money. It maintains a strict system of low-reserve ratios
that allows banks to pile loans on top of deposits and take the new deposits
as the basis for ever more loans. It can set the federal funds rate at a
level to its liking and influence interest across the entire economy. It
intervenes in currency markets.

The Fed’s architects might have imagined that it would help smooth out the
business cycle—provided you think that the real problem of the cycle is its
bust phase when credit contracts. And the Fed can provide liquidity in these
times by printing money to cover deposits. But if you think of the cycle as
beginning in the boom phase—when money and credit are loose and lending
soars to fund unsustainable projects—matters change substantially.

In 1912, Ludwig von Mises wrote The Theory of Money and Credit, which warned
that central banks would worsen and spread business cycles rather than
eliminate them. The central bank can reduce the interest rate that it
charges member banks for loans. It can buy government debt and add that debt
as an asset on its balance sheet. It can reduce the reserve coverage for
loans at member banks. But in doing all of this, it is toying with the
signals that the banking industry sends to borrowers. Businesses are fooled
into taking out longer-term loans and starting projects that cannot be
sustained. Investors flush with new cash buy homes or stocks, activities
that spread a buying-and-selling fever.

This activity creates a false boom. When lower interest rates result from
real saving, the banking system is signaling that the necessary sacrifice of
present consumption has taken place to fund long-term investment. But when
central banks artificially push down rates, they create the impression that
the savings are there when they are absent. The resulting bust becomes
inevitable as goods that come to production can’t be purchased. Reality sets
in: businesses fail, homes are foreclosed upon, and people bail out of
stocks.

International markets complicate the picture by allowing the boom phase of
the cycle to continue longer than it otherwise would, as foreigners buy up
and hold new debt, using it as collateral for their own monetary extensions.
But eventually they, too, become ensnared in the boom-bust cycle of false
prosperity followed by all-too-real bust.

Knowledge of this problem was not well spread among bankers and government
officials in 1913, when the Federal Reserve was created. But it wouldn’t be
long before it became apparent that the Fed would bring not stability but
more instability, not shorter booms and busts but deeper and longer ones.
The longest one of all, dramatically exacerbated by bad economic policy, was
the Great Depression. And now we appear to be entering another phase of
extreme crisis—courtesy of the Federal Reserve.

Written By Ron Paul  <http://www.ronpaul.com/> 

Source: The <http://amconmag.com/article/2009/oct/01/00032/>  American
Conservative 

Other stories at We Are Change Colorado Springs


United
<http://wearechangecoloradosprings.org/blog/2009/09/united-nations-new-globa
l-reserve-currency-needed-as-dollar-has-become-a-confidence-game-for-specula
tion/>  Nations: New Global Reserve Currency Needed As Dollar Has Become a
“Confidence Game” for Speculation


Audit
<http://wearechangecoloradosprings.org/blog/2009/09/audit-the-fed-will-get-h
earing-in-house-committee/>  The FED Gets A Hearing


No
<http://wearechangecoloradosprings.org/blog/2009/09/no-economic-recovery-in-
sight-more-financial-chaos-ahead/>  Economic Recovery in Sight: More
Financial Chaos Ahead


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2 Responses to “How the Federal Reserve rips you off”


1.      We
<http://wearechangecoloradosprings.org/blog/2009/10/bank-failure-tally-tops-
98-in-2009/>  Are Change Colorado Springs » Blog Archive » Bank failure
tally tops 98 in 2009 Says: 
October 3rd, 2009 at 7:08 am
<http://wearechangecoloradosprings.org/blog/2009/09/how-the-federal-reserve-
rips-you-off/#comment-5329>  

[...] How the Federal Reserve rips you off [...]

2.      We
<http://wearechangecoloradosprings.org/blog/2009/10/congresswoman-kaptur-the
re-has-been-a-financial-coup-detat/>  Are Change Colorado Springs » Blog
Archive » Congresswoman Kaptur: There Has Been a Financial Coup D’Etat Says:

October 11th, 2009 at 8:34 am
<http://wearechangecoloradosprings.org/blog/2009/09/how-the-federal-reserve-
rips-you-off/#comment-5374>  

[...] How the Federal Reserve rips you off [...]

 

 

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