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The
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e841.html>  Banality of Evil 


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from the book
<http://web.archive.org/web/20050310230138/http:/www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/
tg/detail/-/089608521X/mindbooks0e> Triumph of the Market and
<http://web.archive.org/web/20050310230138/http:/zmag.org/> ZMag, April,
1991.

by Edward S. Herman

The concept of the banality of evil came into prominence following the
publication of Hannah Arendt's 1963 book Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on
the Banality of Evil. Arendt's thesis was that people who carry out
unspeakable crimes, may not be crazy fanatics at all, but rather ordinary
individuals who simply accept the premises of their state and participate in
any ongoing enterprise with the energy of good bureaucrats.

Normalizing the Unthinkable

Doing terrible things in an organized and systematic way rests on
"normalization." This is the process whereby ugly, degrading, murderous, and
unspeakable acts become routine and are accepted as "the way things are
done." There is usually a division of labor in doing and rationalizing the
unthinkable, with the direct brutalizing and killing done by one set of
individuals; others keeping the machinery of death (sanitation, food supply)
in order; still others producing the implements of killing, or working on
improving technology (a better crematory gas, a longer burning and more
adhesive napalm, bomb fragments that penetrate flesh in hard-to-trace
patterns). It is the function of defense intellectuals and other experts,
and the mainstream media, to normalize the unthinkable for the general
public. The late Herman Kahn spent a lifetime making nuclear war palatable
(On Thermonuclear War, Thinking About the Unthinkable), and this
strangelovian phoney got very good press. ~

In an excellent article entitled "Normalizing the unthinkable," in the
Bulletin of Atomic Scientists of March 1984, Lisa Peattie described how in
the Nazi forced labor camps work was "normalized" for the long-term
prisoners as well as regular personnel:  The camp managers maintained
standards and orderly process. Peattie focused on the parallel between
routinization in the forced labor camps and the preparations for nuclear
war, where the "unthinkable" is organized and prepared for in a division of
labor participated in by people at many levels. Distance from execution
helps render responsibility hazy. "Adolph Eichmann was a thoroughly
responsible person, according to his understanding of responsibility. For
him, it was clear that the heads of state set policy. His role was to
implement, and fortunately, he felt, it was never part of his job actually
to have to kill anyone."

Peattie noted that the head of MlT's main military research lab in the 1960s
argued that "their concern was development, not use, of technology." Just as
in the forced labor camps, in weapons labs and production facilities,
resources are allocated on the basis of effective participation in the
larger system, workers derive support from interactions with others in the
mutual effort, and complicity is obscured by the routineness of the work,
interdependence, and distance from the results. Peattie also pointed out
how, given the unparalleled disaster that would follow nuclear war, "resort
is made to rendering the system playfully, via models and games." There is
also a vocabulary developed to help render the unthinkable palatable:
"incidents," "vulnerability indexes," "weapons impacts," and "resource
availability." She doesn't mention it, but our old friend "collateral
damage," used in the 1991 Persian Gulf War, came out of the nukespeak
tradition.

Slavery and Racism as Routine

When I was a boy, and an ardent baseball fan, I never questioned, or even
noticed, that there were no Black baseball players in the big leagues. That
was the way it was; racism was so routine that it took years of incidents,
movement actions, reading, and real-world traumas to overturn my own deeply
imbedded bias. Historically, this was a country in which human slavery was
firmly institutionalized and routinized, with abolitionists in the pre-civil
war years looked upon as violent extremists by the dominant elites and
masses alike in the North.

The rationalizations for slavery were remarkable. A set of intellectuals
arose in the South before 1860 that not only defended slavery, but argued
its moral superiority on the grounds of its service to the slaves, to the
disadvantage of the enslaving Whites! Stephen Jay Gould's The Mismeasure of
Man, ... is a superb account of how U.S. science at the highest levels
constructed and maintained a "scientific" case for racism over many decades
by mainly innocent and not consciously contrived scientific charlataury. The
ability to put aside cultural blinders is rare. And it appears that what
money and power demand, science and technology will provide, however
outrageous the end.

Mainstream history has also successfully put Black slavery and oppression in
a tolerable light. A powerful article by the late Nathan I. Huggins, "The
Deforming Mirror of Truth: Slavery and the Master Narrative of American
History, " in the Winter 1991 issue of the Radical History Review, shows
well how the "master narrative" in historiography has normalized Black
slavery and post-1865 racism. Slavery was a "tragic error" (like the Vietnam
War), rather than a rational and institutional choice; it has been
marginalized as an aside or tangent, rather than recognized as a central and
integral feature of U.S. history; and it has been portrayed as an error in
process of rectification in a progressive evolution, rather than a terrible
permanent scar that helps explain the Southern Strategy, the current attack
on affirmative action, and the enlarging Black ghetto disaster of today.

Profits end Jobs in Death

Normalization of the unthinkable comes easily when money, status, power, and
jobs are at stake. Companies and workers can always be found to manufacture
poison gases, napalm, or instruments of torture, and intellectuals will be
dredged up to justify their production and use. The rationalizations are
hoary with age: government knows best, ours is a strictly defensive effort,
or, if it wasn't me somebody else would do it. There is also the retreat to
ignorance, real, cultivated, or feigned. Consumer ignorance of process is
important. Dr. Samuel Johnson avowed that we would kill a cow rather than
forego eating meat, but visits to slaughterhouses have made quite a few
people into vegetarians. A cover story of Newsweek some years ago,
illustrating U.S. consumption of meat by showing livestock walking into a
human mouth, elicited many protests-people don't like to be reminded that
steaks are obtained from slaughtered animals; they like to imagine that they
are manufactured in factories, possibly out of biomass.

The bureaucratization of the use of animals for human ends is a large and
controversial subject, but the potential for abuse is continuously realized
as stock raisers, slaughterhouses, trappers, the Pentagon, the Animal Damage
Control Agency, chemical, medical and cosmetic researchers, and academic
entrepreneurs search for ways to improve the bottom line or fill in niches
of "knowledge" that somebody will pay for. At the University of Pennsylvania
a few years ago there was a Head Injury Lab, funded by the government, in
which baboons were subjected to head injuries in the alleged interest of
helping us (i.e., creatures with souls, the culmination of the evolutionary
process, and the realization of the purpose of the cosmos). The lab was
invaded by People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA), who among
other things took away some records and films. The documentary which PETA
made out of these materials, which showed these intelligent creatures having
their heads smashed and rendered into zombies, also gave clear evidence that
official rules of treatment of lab animals were violated, and, most
important, that the participants' attitudes toward the animals were
insensitive and ugly. It was not hard to think of death camps watching the
documentary of this lab in action. Yet the scientific community at Penn not
only defends the use of animals against outside critics with passion and
apparent unanimity, but has never to my knowledge admitted in public that
the Head Injury Lab got out of hand.

In building weapons, contractors and the Pentagon have become quite
sophisticated in spreading business over many states, to reach a critical
mass of jobs, profits and legislators/media by congressional district to
maximize the lobbying base for funding. Jobs are jobs, whether building
schools or Peacekeeper Missiles or cutting down thousand-year-old redwood
trees. I was slightly nauseated during the Vietnam War era by Boeing ads
soliciting workers for its helicopter plant, touting itself as an "equal
opportunity employer (EOE)." Maybe the Dachau camp management was also an
EOE, for jobs that needed to be done and for which there was an effective
demand.

Normalizing Shooting Human Fish in the Persian Gulf Barrel

In the Persian Gulf War of 1991 Uncle Sam was an EOE, and our boys and girls
over there were doing their assigned jobs, repelling naked aggression in
another Operation Just Cause. The war was forced upon us by Saddam Hussein's
rejection of the UN's and "allies" insistence that he disgorge Kuwait, much
as Bush "plainly" did not want war (Anthony Lewis).

Having made it Operation Just Cause No. 17, and a game with winners and
losers, we could reasonably root for us-the moral force-to win. We were also
defending Kuwait, and if once again the party being "saved" was "destroyed,"
well, this was not our fault. Besides, there is the "principle," of
non-aggression, to which we are utterly devoted.

The media could thus focus on our brave boys, girls, generals, and officials
to tell us all about their plans, moves, reactions, and miscellaneous
thoughts. We could watch them in action as they took off, landed, ate,
joked, and expressed their feelings on the enemy, weather, and folks back
home in the Big PX. They were part of an extended family, doing a dirty job,
but with clean bombs and with the moral certainty of a just cause.

The point was not often made that the enemy was relatively defenseless, and
in somewhat the same position as the "natives" colonized, exterminated, and
enslaved by the West in past centuries by virtue of muskets and machine guns
... Our technical superiority reflected our moral superiority. If it all
seemed like shooting human fish in a barrel, one must keep in mind that we
were dealing with lesser creatures (grasshoppers, two-legged animals,
cockroaches), people who don't value life as much as we do, who allowed
"another Hitler" to rule over them, and who stood in our way.

One of the effects of high-tech warfare, as well as the exclusive focus on
"our" casualties, plus censorship (official and self), is that the public is
spared the sight of burning flesh. That enemy casualties were given great
prominence during the Vietnam War is one of the great, and now
institutionalized, myths of that era. Morley Safer's showing a GI applying a
cigarette lighter to a Vietnamese thatched hut is used and referred to
repeatedly as illustrating media boldness at that time because other cases
would be hard to find. It caused CBS and Safer a lot of trouble (and he has
been trying to make up for this sin ever since). Enormous government
pressure and flak from other sources caused the media to provide grisly
photos of enemy victims only with the greatest caution, and very
infrequently, especially in light of the grisly reality. Capital intensive
warfare in itself makes for distancing the public from the slaughter of mere
gooks and Arabs. This is helpful in normalizing the unspeakable and
unthinkable.

On February 5, 1991, the Philadelphia Inquirer carried an Associated Press
dispatch by Alexander Higgins, "Marriage finds new expression in gulf:
Honey, pass the bombs." It is a little romance of a newly married couple,
located at an air base in Saudi Arabia-and therefore regrettably obliged to
sleep in separate tents-whose function is to load bombs on A-10 attack jets.
It is a personal interest story, of two people and their relationship, with
a job to do, in an unromantic setting. A fine study in the routinization of
violence, of the banality of evil and the ways it is impressed on the
public. 

        

 

 

 

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