From: Gary Kohls [mailto:[email protected]] 
Sent: Sunday, December 20, 2009 10:00 PM
To: Gary Kohls
Subject: Fascism Alert: Obama (or is it just the Pentagon, et al?) has taken
the side of the oppressors in Israel and Latin America especially Honduras,
Columbia and Venezuela, among others.

 


A Coup at Foggy Bottom?


By Conn Hallinan – December 20, 2009 

Watching the Obama Administration’s about-face in the Middle East and Latin
America raises an uncomfortable question: have neo-conservative Democrats—a
section closely associated with the Clinton wing of the Party— undermined
U.S. foreign policy? Whatever the source of the shifts, their effect has
been to heighten tensions in both areas of the world and marginalize the
U.S. just as it was beginning to break out of the isolation of the Bush
years. 

When U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton abandoned the White House’s
demand to halt the growth of Israeli settlements on the West Bank and East
Jerusalem, it not only drew outrage from U.S. allies like Egypt, Jordan and
Saudi Arabia, it brought into question the entire peace process. For the
first time in decades, Palestinians are threatening to unilaterally declare
a state, and some are openly raising the possibility of abandoning a
two-state solution in favor of a single bi-national entity.

A bi-national solution would “spell the end of Israel as a democratic
state,” editorialized the Financial Times. “It would come to resemble in
many ways the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. If [Prime Minister
Benjamin] Netanyahu believes that he has achieved a victory by refusing to
halt the settlements, he is wrong. It is more like a project of national
suicide.”

The Economist put the blame squarely on Obama: “From the Palestinian and
Arab points of view, his administration…has meekly capitulated to Israel.”

The recent announcement that Israel would build 900 units in East Jerusalem
suggests that the Netanyahu government feels it can now act without fear of
a break with Washington. While Tel Aviv announced a 10-week “freeze” last
week, the “freeze” will not cover 3,000 units already under construction,
more than 20 “public” buildings, or any of the new construction in East
Jerusalem.

If outrage is the reaction to the Administration’s U-turn in the Middle
East, shock is the common response in Latin America to the State
Department’s about face on the Honduran coup.

When President Manuel Zelaya was ousted by the military June 28, the White
House joined the Organization of American States (OAS) and the United
Nations in demanding his reinstatement. “We believe the coup was not legal
and that President Zelaya remains the democratically elected president
there,” said Obama.

Now, according to State Department spokesman Ian Kelly, the U.S. intends to
break that pledge and recognize the winner of the Nov. 29 elections, which
were organized by the coup government. According to Amnesty International
and Human Rights Watch, demonstrations opposed to the election have been
savagely repressed.

So far, only Panama and Costa Rica have supported the U.S. position.

Almost overnight, the good will Obama created by his Cairo address to the
Muslim world, and his Administration’s quick denunciation of the Honduran
coup has vanished.

What happened?

On Honduras, the Republicans are taking credit for the Administration’s
change of heart. Senator Jim DeMint (R-SC) claims it was his hold over two
State Department nominees that caused the White House to drop its support of
Zelaya. DeMint said he was “very thankful” that Obama and Clinton “have
finally taken the side of the Honduran people.”

According to COIMER & OP poll, only 22.2 percent of Hondurans support the
coup government led by Roberto Micheletto.

But it seems unlikely that the White House would cave over two appointments.
In fact, the State Department had begun backing away from Obama’s statement
long before DeMint came into the picture. Zelaya’s name was suddenly dropped
in favor of a formula that called for a “return to constitutional order.”

A muscular foreign policy—and strong support for Israel—are policies that
have long been touchstones for the right wing of the Democratic Party. It
was the Clinton Administration that first intervened in the Colombian civil
war, bombed the Sudan, and launched the war against Serbia. Secretary
Clinton, along with other hawks, is pushing for a major expansion of the war
in Afghanistan.

It seems more likely that the State Department’s support for the Nov. 29
election was a not-so-subtle shot across the bow aimed at countries that the
U.S. considers unfriendly.

The recent release of a U.S. Air Force document on current U.S.-Colombian
military agreement suggests that the U.S. is indeed preparing to exert
greater military power in Latin America. According to Venezuelan lawyer Eva
Golinger, the document, submitted to the U.S. Congress last May as part of
the 2010 budget considerations, contradicts claims by the U.S. and the
Colombian government of Alvaro Uribe that the deployment of U.S. forces in
Colombia is solely aimed at local narcotics traffic and terrorism, and will
not affect Colombia’s neighbors. 

The agreement says U.S. deployment in seven bases scattered around Colombia
will allow Washington to engage in “full spectrum military operations in a
critical sub-region of our hemisphere where security and stability is under
constant threat from narcotics funded terrorists insurgencies…and anti-US
governments…” And further, that the Palanquero Base in particular  “…will
also increase our capability to conduct Intelligence, Surveillance and
Reconnaissance (ISR), improve global reach, support logistics requirements,
improve partnerships, improve theater security cooperation and expand
expeditionary warfare capability.” *

In a statement that had a strong whiff of the Monroe Doctrine about it, U.S.
Southern Command head General Douglas Fraser warned that Iran’s “growing
influence” in the region poses a “potential risk.” Speaking in Miami last
June, the General charged that Iran is building connections to “extremist
organizations” on the continent, and has forged close ties with Venezuela
and Cuba.

The U.S. recently reactivated the Fifth Fleet, giving it the ability to
project considerable naval power throughout Latin America.

The scope of the Colombia base agreement should make a number of countries
nervous, especially those that the State Department considers “anti-US”:
Venezuela, Cuba, Ecuador, Paraguay, Nicaragua, and Bolivia. The term
“unfriendly” could also include Argentina, Chile, Uruguay, and even Brazil,
which has helped lead a continent-wide independence movement against U.S.
domination of the region.

The Bolivian government of Evo Morales charges that U.S. organizations like
the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the
National Endowment for Democracy (NED) support a separatist movement in the
oil and gas rich eastern provinces of the country. This past April, Bolivian
special forces stormed a hotel in Santa Cruz—the center of the anti-Morales
movement—and killed several heavily armed mercenaries who apparently planned
to sow chaos in the province.

Weapons and explosives used to attack Morales supporters were traced to
wealthy business owners who are active in the rightwing separatist Santa
Cruz Civic Committee. The Committee has received support from USAID and NED.

Venezuela says that the Colombian bases threaten the government of Hugo
Chavez, against whom the U.S. supported a short-lived coup in 2002. Chavez
and Ecuadorian President Rafael Correa both charge that the U.S. aided a
recent invasion of Ecuador by Colombian troops seeking out members of the
Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Ecuador’s Defense Minister,
Javier Ponce, has requested a meeting with the President Obama over the
U.S.-Colombia agreement.

The atmosphere in Paraguay is tense following the removal of the country’s
top military leaders by leftist President Fernando Lugo. There have been
several coup attempts since the end of the 35-year military dictatorship in
1989, and Chavez recently charged that a plan to overthrow Lugo was recently
hatched in Bolivia by “ultra-rightwing elements.”

In neighboring Uruguay left-wing former guerrilla Jose “Pepe” Mujica won the
election for president, and some of the right-wing in that country vows he
will never be allowed to take power.

An outbreak of coups in all these countries seems unlikely, but is certainly
not out of the question, particularly if right-wingers—who  dominated the
continent throughout the 1980s and ‘90s—think  overthrowing an “unfriendly”
government will be met with a wink and a nod from Washington.

U.S. support for the Honduran elections effectively torpedoed a diplomatic
solution to the crisis. When Micheletti formed a “unity” government
excluding Zelaya, the ousted president, holed up in the Brazilian embassy,
announced that the U.S. brokered agreement was “dead.” The Honduran congress
said it would not consider reinstating Zelaya until after the election.

U.S. isolation on this issue is palpable.

Meeting in Jamaica, the foreign ministers of the Rio Group—every country in
Latin America and most the Caribbean—called for reinstating Zelaya. OAS
President Jose Miguel Insulza demanded that the Honduran government be led
by its “legitimate” president. Both the UN and the European Union say they
will not recognize the Nov. 29 elections.

More than 240 leading U.S. academics and Latin American experts sent a
letter to Obama calling on the State Department to denounce human rights
violations by the Micheletti government and re-instate Zelaya. AFL-CIO
President Richard Trumka demanded that the Obama Administration oppose the
Nov. 29 election and return Zelaya to the presidency.

Mark Weisbrot, director of the Centre for Economic and Policy Research, says
unless the Obama Administration reverses course, it is going to be “just as
isolated as Bush vis-à-vis the hemisphere.”

Whatever the explanation for the shift in foreign policy , there is little
argument about the results: anger, charges of betrayal, and a diminishment
of hope, from the Middle East to Latin America.  

 

 

 

 

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