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How UPC has reacted to opposition The best way to know how the UPC dealt with its political opposition is to read the Uganda Hansard and a catalogue of speeches made by Obote at public rallies. But even before that lets see what was happening within the party UNC/UPC itself. After a bitter disagreement within the UNC, UNC Buganda, literally the cream and brain of the party, left and joined Mengo. UPC emerged from the remnants of UNC and other parties under the dynamic leadership of A M Obote. But when it came to what was even more important than personalities, Obote in 1962, bent over backwards to embrace his former political opponents at Mengo, with the approval of the Kabaka, and appointed them Ministers. Of the eleven Ministers of Obote's first Cabinet, six were from Buganda alone. In a democratic trial run, in the Gulu Convention the UPC Annual Delegates Conference (ADC) elected Grace Ibingira in place of John Kakonge as the new Secretary General of the UPC. Kakonge was not even given a ministerial post, and he could not believe his eyes. He angrily protested and left Uganda. Obote asked Nyerere to intervene and persuaded Kakonge to return and assume other duties in a democratic process. He won the hearts of UPC Youth Wingers. But in the following elections when Ibingira realised that he was not going to be re-elected, he chose undemocratic means to take state power himself. He conspired right there in cabinet under Obote's nose. He misled five other ministers, confused the Kabaka to believe that a coup was possible if the Kabaka began it, which would trigger chaos in Buganda. He persuaded Brigadier Opolot, the then Army Commander, to use the army to help topple UPC Government 1. The conspiracy was discovered late but was nevertheless curtailed with disastrous effects on Uganda politics. Ibingira and his co-conspirators, including Brigadier Opolot were arrested, except the Ex-President Kabaka Mutesa who put up an unsuccessful fight from behind his palace walls and subsequent escape to the UK. This fiasco led to the declaration of state of emergency throughout Uganda, initially, and then Buganda only. The state of emergency was interpreted as a hostile anti-Baganda act. Sight of the attempted coup was lost, obliterated in the eye of the local Baganda. No amount of explanation could redeem the government action. Uganda politics could never be the same again. Tragedy struck again. Yet another UPC Secretary General, Felix Onama (Moyo), conspired with Amin to overthrow Obote. The British and the Israelis were separately also conspiring to overturn the Government because of UPC's new policy on the Common Man's Charter, which led to the nationalisation of some British companies. The coup of 25 January 1971 in which Amin was propped up as the leader, was successful with open foreign backing. The UK government was the first to recognise the Amin regime within twelve hours of its announcement, and the British Prime Minister Edward Heath, then in Singapore for the Commonwealth Conference, was elated at the news. Clearly on return to party politics after Amin in 1980, Obote was wary above the nature of policies and UPC party structures to adopt. In the process he fell back to some anti-democratic practices. Elected Secretary Generals have gone against him. He decided to support the idea of appointing his closest high party officials. Among others, he appointed Dr. Luwuliza-Kirunda as his brand new Secretary General of the party, and Mrs Cecilia Ogwal as his Deputy. Now that Kirunda has turned away to do his own things and Ogwal has openly rebelled against him, he must be wondering which way to democracy and at what price. This is not to say that Obote is less committed to democracy today. He is passionately committed to democracy and the electoral processes. He enjoys debating issues in public places and rallies and winning over his opponents. The party UPC, which he fervently and skilfully leads, is firmly committed to democracy as it is attested to in the 1980 Election Manifesto, which is a declaration of serious intent, thus: "The UPC philosophy is moulded by the Party's struggle and the History of our Country. UPC believes that political and economic power must be vested in the majority of our people. The Party was founded to serve the masses, and its policies have always been motivated by consideration of the wishes of all the people of Uganda. All this is in consonance with the principles of democracy, in an enlightened, free and open society. Consequently, UPC is committed (i) to build the Republic of Uganda as one country with one people, one parliament and one government ......" Many more attempts at democratic
practices can be cited. Once Ben Kiwanuka was not elected to parliament, the other DP members of parliament remained leaderless and confused. Leadership was left in the hands of Hon. Basil Bataringaya and Hon. Aleksandro (Alija) Latim. In the confusion there developed a political mini-culture of crossing over to opposing parties, and subsequently crossing the floor in parliament from the opposition to government side. There is no evidence in the Hansard or newspapers or record to suggest that any persuasions or coercion were used to make opposition members cross over under duress. What one person, Hon. Muduku began, became the fashion. Muduku himself crossed five times to and fro, probably depending on his mood of the day. Such man did not know what democracy was and the responsibility to Uganda and accountability to his people that went with being elected to parliament. He probably regarded his election as 'personal merit', personal property that he could exchange for anything any time. Eventually, all DP MPs crossed over to government side, except Hon Alija Latim (Gulu) and Hon.Gaspero Oda (Arua). Hon. Bazilio Bataringaya became the most powerful and most trusted UPC cabinet minister, in fact the de facto Vice President. He was Acting President each time President Obote was away or was incapacitated. When Amin struck Bataringaya was acting and he laid down his life for UPC and Uganda. After the opposition MPs crossed over, Uganda became a one-party 'state' by default and fashion of the time. For democracy and multi-party system, however, an undesirable situation developed where the DP continued to live in the shadows of the UPC. The DP seems to have no independent existence. The UPC served as a brick-wall on which DP had to kneel. Without UPC the wall, DP seems to tumble over and gingerly walks in a daydream without direction. It opted for the bad habit of claiming and associating itself with extremely undemocratic activities. When Amin overturned the UPC Government 1, the DP celebrated and associated itself with that murderous regime. Tiberio Okeny Atwoma celebrated the event on the streets of Kitgum attired in the style reserved only to honour a person who had killed a lion. And yet, the majority of the soldiers and police Amin killed emanated from Kitgum. Andrea Adimola celebrated with plentiful whisky. Benedicto Kiwanuka did not only celebrate but sought an appointment in that government, which he got the post of Chief Justice. Soon Amin turned his guns on DP leaders. Kiwanuka could not get away with his little tricks. He was caught and killed and buried in an unknown grave. Paul Ssemogerere escaped to the USA, Ademola to Kenya and Atwoma to Southern Sudan etc. History repeats itself indeed. Come UNLF/A after Amin, which was to be an interim instrument to lead Uganda to democratic elections. Again DP laid claim to it. Through President Lule and Internal Affairs Minister Dr. Andrew Kayira, the DP wanted to dominate and take the 'whole thing' for them alone. They were stopped by a semi-military coup. Then again the DP, this time, actually took part in the conspiracy to overthrow the UPC Government 2, together with Museveni/NRM/NRA. It ushered in the most deliberate, debilitating and cynical military dictatorship with a string of gruesome killings in many parts of Uganda, which we must now all unite to stop it from doing further damage to Uganda. The DP leaders' inclination to opportunistically jump on the band wagon or soup train will continue until the party's policies, criteria to decide on leadership becomes clearer and less restrictive. The DP also needs to come out of its historic cradle in the precincts of the Catholic Church and mature into a full-fledged and independent minded national party. Despite the show of weakness in the DP leadership, the UPC showed its maturity in politics by throwing its weight behind Semogerere's presidential candidature in 1996, when it considered that very important national matters were at stake, contrary to what some DP members think that UPC holds a blind hate for the opposition. The DP gladly accepted UPC contribution and votes throughout the country. If it were not for the confusion that exists in Buganda, Ssemogerere would have been a properly elected President of Uganda today. One wonders if one day the DP will be mature enough to reciprocate and vote with UPC on significant matters of nation interest and importance, or for a UPC candidate. Now the substantive question Now we can restate the substantive question. What will UPC do with (to) the Opposition Parties if it ever came to power again? One can read the nature of the question in many ways. Firstly, it can be said the question comes from a prejudiced position based mainly on ignorance of the facts. It seems to suggest that UPC has been found guilty and must be punished. It further presupposes that UPC cannot or should not be allowed to 'ever' come to power again. This would not be democratic at all. It would sadly be the bad politics of trying to exclude others from participating and sharing in power. How will that be different from Museveni's thinking and what he has been trying to do in the last fifteen years? And is this practicable to keep a section of the population away from politics? Secondly, the question smells of tribalism. It seems to assume that the UPC is a tribal or partisan organisation, which it is clearly not. The question rules out the possibility of UPC being led by, say, a Muganda with an overwhelming support in Buganda and everywhere. It would be a myopic and immature political assumption to rule out UPC in competition for leadership in a democratic process. If the question were asked in good faith, UPC would probably answer the question as follows. UPC presently is the best-equipped party to handle any Uganda situation and crisis, either in opposition or in government. With plenty of experience and the benefit of hindsight, UPC should be able to arrive at rational decisions quickly and efficiently. UPC would more openly need, respect and welcome effective and constructive opposition parties and ask them to work in partnership in the building of a democratic one Uganda. UPC would urge the opposition parties to join hands together in the final stages of the long march to Uganda nationhood. This is a beneficial and achievable goal for our people. Internally UPC would look critically at sycophants and self-seekers who will always misinform and mislead governments. Bulange is full of sycophants and clowns. The DP has its portion. UPC is full of them. Their numbers increase enormously whenever UPC is in government. Whenever there is a preponderance of sycophants in a power system, a government or party, it is blinkered and fails to see and hear, and becomes insensitive to the genuine wishes, desires and demands of the people. It becomes alienated. UPC would reject the practise of 'crossing over' in parliament, look at the Intelligence networking and try to find new ways and means by which the people can have control over the armed forces in order to break the cycle of military take-overs so as to stop wars, violence and human rights violations. UPC would intensify its struggle against tribalism and ethnicity, which is now unashamedly rampant, and religious bigotry. UPC would double up its efforts to learn democratic behaviour and practice with a view to stamp out the now rampant corruption in government. It would evermore endeavour to work closely with the masses of the people and maintain a more proactive party work even when it is in opposition or in Government. THE END OF THE DOCUMENT The Mulindwas
communication group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy" |
