How Democratic is Uganda? (Feature) UN Integrated Regional Information Networks NEWS May 27, 2003 Posted to the web May 27, 2003 Kampala [This report does not necessarily reflect the views of the United Nations] It is 16 years since president Yoweri Museveni, having just seized power in a military coup, promised an end to dictatorship in Uganda. The tired, war-weary Ugandans could have been forgiven for not believing him. His coup was the fourth since 1971 and came at the end of an epidemic of civil strife and systematic state terror. Sixteen years on, controversy is raging over whether Museveni's promise to restore democracy was sincere, or simply "hollow talk". No-one doubts that life for many Ugandans has improved since Museveni's National Resistance Movement (NRM) took power. The country's economy has expanded faster than any other in Africa; education and health services are improving; Uganda is the only country in Africa to have stemmed the tide of new HIV infections. CIVIL RIGHTS Yet in spite of these achievements, analysts say it is unclear whether Uganda has improved its civil rights record. Presidential and parliamentary elections were held as promised, yet many Ugandans feel these have been compromised by the ruling elite's tendency to stifle opposition. In addition, dubious police powers like those conferred in the 2001 Suppression of Terrorism Bill, have led to widespread abuses by the army and security services, according to human rights groups. These include torture and arbitrary detention of dissidents in illegal "safe houses". Museveni's recent insistence that the constitution be changed to allow him to run for a third term has called into question his stated commitment to democracy. Uganda currently has three main opposition parties - the Democratic Party (DP), the Uganda People's Congress (UPC), headed by exiled former president Milton Obote, and the Reform Agenda (RA). All of them are outlawed. If they try to hold gatherings, private or public, they are dispersed by police. Two weeks ago a graduation party for the head of the DP's youth wing was broken up by police firing shots into the air. "It was a peaceful meeting in a private home", DP president Paul Ssemogerere told IRIN. RESTRICTIONS ON PARTIES To be allowed to operate, the government says the parties have to register under the 2002 Political Parties and Organisations Act (PPOA). Yet the act has been criticised for the draconian restrictions it places on parties, leaving them as mere pressure groups. Amongst other things, it forbids them to front candidates to campaign in presidential or parliamentary elections, or to have an office outside the capital. For this reason, it was challenged by the parties in Uganda's Constitutional Court and in March, the court ruled in their favour. Central to the government's defence of the restrictions was the often-repeated claim that the NRM is not a party but a meritocratic "system of government". NRM members are all elected by the people and competition for public office is open to all, so there is no autocratic one-party-state. This the court rejected. "The NRM's claim not to be a party is a deception," Ssemogerere told IRIN. "We have always said it and it has been proved by the court judgement. This was a landmark decision." All senior party figures agree that this means they can operate without having to register until the PPOA is amended. Yet efforts to do so have been stopped by police. Uganda Attorney General Francis Ayume told IRIN that this was because they still have to register. "The requirement to register is a constitutional requirement", he says. "Even if the act was not there, they would still have to register." Ayume says the parties know full well that they can register and ignore the two disputed sections of the act that the court overturned, but he believes they are just trying to gain political capital. "They are free to gather but how do we know that they are gathering for lawful purposes?", he asks. "We go to the registry. If they would just register the police would have no business with them." Ayume is appealing against the court decision and the case is still being heard. The government also points to the 1995 referendum on the new constitution for Uganda, which showed overwhelming support for the continuation of the NRM system. But Uganda's political organisations say it was flawed. "Without liberating parties first there is no way the referendum could be free and fair," explains Ssemogerere. "And anyway it is wrong in principle. These fundamental rights are not to be decided by the majority. The right to associate holds even if only one person wants to exercise that right." James Rwanyarare, chairman of the UPC, told IRIN that "the constitutional process was drafted by NRM sympathisers". "We tried to have our input but we were beaten up and arrested by the police and the military. There is force and intimidation at work here," he said. FACTIONALISM Museveni has always claimed that he opposes parties because in Africa they encourage factionalism and are too often split along ethnic or religious lines. But this is dismissed by the parties. "This line is for the Europeans," says Ssemogerere. "He is just playing on racist prejudices. Uganda has 60 registered tribes. We would have as many parties if Africans were incapable of transcending their tribal boundaries." "This happens even in Europe, like the Scottish National Party or all of the parties in Northern Ireland," added Rwanyarare. "Museveni's Movement started with a clique of 27 people who were holding guns and were from the same tribe". Reform Agenda, led by exiled Col. Kizza Besigye is unique amongst parties in that its resident secretary Geoffrey Ekanya holds a seat in parliament. "Realising that the NRM holds sway by force, we fronted a candidate from within the movement," RA's Environment Secretary Samuel Kagulire explained to IRIN. "It was a strategic move - to reach for a platform from within the Movement party and hence undermine the dictatorship." Even so, it has hardly conferred legitimacy on RA. "Our supporters are routinely harassed by police," Kagulire said. "Security operatives have made our leader's stay in Uganda impossible." Critics point out that the NRM's core power structure has barely changed since it was a guerrilla movement. Besides having 10 unelected representatives in parliament, the military wields enormous influence over the government. Museveni's most senior executives are also his most senior military generals. "To all intents and purposes," says Rwanyerere, "this is a one-party state ruled by a military government."
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