Is Africa on the verge of being re-colonozied (this time by choice)?
 
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Oh, if Only the G.I.'s Would Come Marching In
July 30, 2003

By SOMINI SENGUPTA

 

MONROVIA, Liberia - Before he became a priest, Michael K.
Francis wanted to be a soldier. A G.I., to be precise, one
of those American boys in uniform whom he admired so much
as a little boy. They came marching up the streets of
Monrovia during World War II singing "When the Saints Come
Marching In."
Now Liberia's Roman Catholic archbishop and an outspoken
voice for peace, he stood up from his chair one day not
long ago and belted out a verse. He laughed at the memory.
That distant memory goes a long way to explain the craving
of Liberians for American intervention as well as their
dismay at any comparison with Somalia, that iconic African
theater of anarchy and symbol of peacekeeping perils.
Many people in the world look for an outside hand more
powerful than their own petty despots to come to fix their
problems. But there are few, in the minds of Liberians, to
whom the idea of America is so mythic, the ties so deep,
and the case for American help more compelling.
Liberia was created by the United States with a peculiar
alliance of slaveholders and abolitionists in the anxious
decades before emancipation and founded on the ideals of
American-style democracy.
In truth, for much of its history, it functioned as a
plantation society, where the high-caste descendants of
freed slaves ruled over the "Africans" and held an abiding
loyalty to America, from whose rib their nation was formed.
Consider the frayed oil painting that still hangs on a wall
in the now shuttered National Museum on Broad Street, in
Monrovia's ravaged downtown. It is a historical montage
featuring William Tolbert, the Liberian president from 1971
to 1980, seated in the company of J. J. Roberts, the
founding president of the republic, along with two famous
Americans: Abraham Lincoln and John F. Kennedy.
Consider the elation when a small team of American soldiers
landed here in early July to conduct what they called a
"humanitarian assessment." Liberians poured into the
streets to thank their lucky stars. "Eh, marine, we like
you, oh, marine!" they sang.
Consider, too, the spectacle of the weeping men and women
who came to lay their dead before the gates of the American
Embassy on July 21. That morning, as part of the third
rebel attack on the city, a mortar shell had fallen on an
encampment of displaced people across the street from the
embassy, killing nearly two dozen civilians.
The living came to display their dead. They came in rage at
what they saw as American indifference. And they came as
though to remind the Americans of the creation myth that
was given this land 150 years ago. "The love of liberty
brought us here," reads the slogan on the Liberian seal,
courtesy of the Americans who founded the republic in 1847.
But Liberian expectations have been built around more than
just the idea of America. During World War II, Liberia
joined the United States in declaring war against Germany -
a principal Liberian trading partner at the time.
Later, the country provided Firestone with the world's
largest rubber plantation, aiding American dominance in the
auto industry.
Liberia served as a solid partner to the United States in
the cold war years. It supported American resolutions at
the United Nations and provided a home for a Voice of
America radio tower, an indispensable weapon of the
cultural cold war.
So, the archbishop and others argue today, it is high time
for a payback. "Because of our relationship," the
archbishop maintained. "And because of what we did."
Finally, the American explanation for its invasion of Iraq,
where illegal weapons have yet to be found, has raised
expectations all its own. It baffles Liberians that
American soldiers would interfere where they are not
wanted, and stay away from where they are.
"Mr. President, you have repeatedly said that the civilized
world cannot sit idle while dictators and rebel groups
brutalize innocent people," wrote George Kun, 27, a
Liberian who went to the United States as a refugee in
1996, in an open letter to Mr. Bush.
These expectations, however deeply held, fly in the face of
American inaction for over a decade. The United States had
a chance to nip the Liberian mayhem in the bud 13 years
ago, Liberians note, when Charles G. Taylor, the president
that Mr. Bush now demands step aside, began his guerrilla
insurrection.
Then, as now, Washington (at the time, Mr. Bush's father
was in office) ordered American troops to park off the
Liberian coast, and encouraged a West African peacekeeping
force. The warship with 2,500 American troops bobbed in the
water for several months before turning back. The Liberian
war continued for six more years.
The West African peacekeepers became a part of the problem:
they looted and allowed the sitting president to be
captured and executed by a particularly vicious rebel
leader named Prince Johnson. The entire ordeal was
videotaped. (It is one of the reasons why the world does
not hear much about an "African solution" to the current
problem.)
Once again, there is talk of Washington intervening.
Liberians wonder if they are watching a replay.
The myth of the American G.I. notwithstanding, what
difference would an American intervention make? Is there
any guarantee that if American soldiers come, the warring
factions will put down their guns?
The short answer is no. The only guarantee, it seems, is
that without intervention from somewhere more misery lies
ahead.
Relief workers told the American team that landed in early
July that things would get much worse unless security could
be established. They did. Two weeks later came the third
and most sustained rebel attack on the capital.
Since then, a waiter at the hotel where many foreign
journalists stay lost his grandmother and three members of
his family in a mortar attack. Three weeks before, his
sister died of cholera. He told his story in passing one
morning as he served pancakes for breakfast.
Liberia is about the only country in West Africa where you
can get pancakes for breakfast. It is among the enduring
legacies of its peculiar relationship to the United States.

http://www.nytimes.com/2003/07/30/international/africa/30AFRI.html?ex=1060605896&ei=1&en=a1b2e3f98d71a25e

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