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There is growing concern over Uganda�s possible adoption of multi-partyism without further democratisation.
Precedents exist in our history and elsewhere to inform us on such a development. Although in the 1960s and early 1980s, Uganda was nominally a multiparty democracy, most citizens question the democratic content of that experience.
That should not be surprising given that draconian colonial legislation and oppressive institutions, such as the civil service and military, were left intact �lock, stock and barrel� at independence.
This explains the willingness of the colonial administration to assist the UPC-KY coalition win the 1962 general elections by all means. That event surely left a sour taste in the contending DP�s mouth.
The environment characterising multi-partyism in the 1980s left many Ugandans nostalgic for the Idi Amin era. Under the military dictatorship, there had been more order and ordinary people were not being persecuted and terrorised en masse by state organs.
This later became the case especially in Buganda and West Nile.
As we move towards fully-fledged multiparty democracy, there is need to ensure that the new experience is truly democratic. This concern was on the minds of many key participants at a recent Foundation for
African Development (FAD) and Konrad Adenauer Foundation (KAF)-organised public dialogue under the theme: �Conditions for a Democratic Transition in Uganda�.
Prof. Fredrick Ssempebwa, chairperson of the Constitutional Review Commission, hit the nail on the head when he called for the fundamental reform of some of our laws and state institutions in order to avoid re-entering multi-partyism without democracy.
Pointing to the Tanzanian example, he observed that its much-acclaimed re-introduction of multi-partyism, following the recommendation of its Nyalali Commission, was not matched with the required legal and institutional political reforms.
In turn, this led to the continuation of the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi�s effective but more subtle one-party dominance.
The DP�s Dr Paul Ssemogerere cited the absence of a �level playing field,� saying the existing situation unduly favours the Movement at the expense of her political competitors. He suggested a national conference for all legitimate stakeholders.
The Movement�s Capt. Henry Matsiko, who represented the National Political Commissar, Dr Crispus Kiyonga, complimented Ssemogerere�s principled stand to achieve his political objectives through the constitutional framework.
Matsiko, however, differed with him on the question of establishing a national conference. He instead suggested that there was already substantial national dialogue going on at all levels - in Parliament, the press and through the Local Council system.
KAF�s Wolfgang Hilberer raised quite a few eyebrows when he criticised some of the more youthful participants for being abusive to President Museveni.
He thought Museveni deserved respect. Effectively ruling Uganda was a difficult challenge in light of its radically differing and competing interests, he said.
He must have further unsettled his audience when he advised against lamenting over Museveni�s suspected intention to stay on as president after 2006.
Mr Hilberer also �poured cold water� on the idea of lobbying the Western diplomatic community to influence Uganda�s internal political reforms.
In his view, those with presidential ambitions should prepare to challenge and defeat Museveni at the polls come the next presidential elections. Internal political changes have to be initiated by Ugandans, he said.
On the issue of creating a �level playing field� without players acting as referees, here are some suggestions. There is need to ensure that the internal organisation of all registered political parties is truly democratic with a leadership that is genuinely accountable to its members.
Undemocratic parties can never effect democratic governance.
Secondly, laws that bar political parties from organising should be phased out and replaced by enabling ones, this in addition to partisan but public governance structures such as the RDCs.
Furthermore, the law that conditions LC-1 chairpersons to be Movement chairpersons must be scrapped. An agreeable formula is required for state funding of all political parties.
We do realise their crucial role of checking the ruling party and being governments-in-waiting. It�s not only ruling parties that should benefit from state funding.
The NRM should be detached from security agencies such as ISO and the military, as recommended by the Nshimye Report. State organs should be professional and prepared to go by the letter and spirit of the Constitution without bias. | 
