�Free� independence explains our suffering
By Odoi Erisa Yoga
Oct 15, 2003
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Seeing what politicians and other political actors are taking the country through today, and looking at the country�s political background since pre-independence, it is my contention that our political future remains alarmingly uncertain and potentially explosive. Many in our generation today must be wondering as to whether it will ever be possible to have a government that will run Uganda free of armed rebellion in the countryside. In modern times, armed rebellion in Africa followed the decision of some nationalists to take up arms against the colonialists, examples of which include the Mau Mau in Kenya. But for Uganda our struggle for independence was largely not bloody. I believe that because we never actually fought for independence there is an unconscious search for greater freedom. Armed independence struggles wherever they were fought worked to unite everybody in their various political, social and religious diversities. This helped a great deal in moulding the character of post independence politics and instilling a sense of nationalism. In Uganda, with independence being given on a silver plate, pre-independence politics dwelt on group survival, status and positions in the post-independence setting. This scenario allowed for the crystalisation of ethnic, religious and political differences, which still feature very loudly in Uganda politics today. This has worked to suppress nationalistic tendencies in our politics as evidenced by cleavages along tribal lines. The dawning of independent Africa also spelt an opening for political dissent and potential civil strife as the yet politically uncultured African leaders got hold of the huge state machinery which many were bound to manipulate for selfish goals or simply failed manage. A big credit to those few African countries that have so far managed their affairs maturely and kept rebellion at bay. Rebellion is an indicator of failure in the effective management of society. In Uganda today, inspite of having a homegrown grassroots Constitution, a duly elected and enlightened Parliament and President, an army probably the best in sub-Saharan Africa with a known history and experience in rebellion as well as an amnesty law in place, rebellion in just not about to away. The Movement government is also on record as the one government which has faced the highest number of armed rebellions in contemporary history. It is quite interesting that in the entire long life of a popular government, one of its major pre-occupations is fighting multiple insurgency. This points to something fundamentally amiss. A discussion group on a Kampala FM station on June 21 hosted Minister of Defence Amama Mbabazi and he proudly listed the armed rebel groups they have successfully dealt with since 1986 and it was endless. Sometime back President Museveni dramatically presented it by calling a register of armed rebel groups fighting his government and he was very upbeat because most of them answered �absent sir� in reference to the defeated rebel groups. The question is; why do Ugandans, even the enlightened ones, keep resorting to armed struggle as an option? Answers to this question may be many but most will be found to be empirically similar. This may not be to say that all insurgents have just causes for their action. The cradle and root of rebellion in Uganda today lie in the 1986 mode of accession to state power and the much promised but yet to come �wonderland� used as the justification for disrupting the then constitutional order. It follows that in the eyes of many Ugandans, inspite of all that the Movement government has done,it will always remain an illegitimate ambitious rebel force that managed to grab state power unconstitutionally from an elected government and promised a utopian state, which must be fought at every opportunity. The Movement�s failure, after grabbing state power, to dissociate itself from the very dictatorial practices and autocratic tendencies it levelled against past regimes has worked against it. No respect for opposition and alternative viewpoints, using crude means to win elections, tolerating corruption and nepotism and wanting to die in power are the vices that push many Ugandans to the wall. The shameful well-recorded excesses by some arms of the state in the 2001 presidential campaigns and elections, under the patronage of none other than Museveni, one of Africa�s most celebrated visionary and enlightened leaders, has added to our fears for the future. What does the future hold for Uganda if even Museveni remains a potential cause of instability? What choices are the citizens left with if they cannot even vote as they would wish for fear of being descended upon by the self christened patriots and freedom fighters? The enactment of an amnesty law cannot be expected to have any impact, save for those rebels who have lost steam, because it does not address the reasons for which one took up arms but simply portrays one as a repentant lost child seeking pardon for a silly wrong decision taken. For as long as the Constitution continues to be seen to be twisted in favour of the incumbent regime, or used as a major weapon of oppression and suppression, and for as long as long as the government continues to use state machinery to intimidate and suppress opposition, the talk of a stable and peaceful Pearl of Africa is a far-fetched dream. This state of affairs will continue to provide fertile grounds for rebellion This makes the search for peace, otherwise priceless, an unnecessarily costly venture for Uganda. The next hero deserving a plot on the Heroes Corner in Kololo should be that President, who will have made it unnecessary for Ugandans to take up arms in search of their rights and freedoms, set a deliberate policy to rid Ugandan of the persistent ethnic animosity and the cycle of violence which threatens to become part of our political culture. Good governance, not arms and presidential pardons are the answer. 077 487272 |
� 2003 The Monitor Publications
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