By Charles peter mayiga
Nov 10, 2003
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President Yoweri Museveni's most recent missive published in the media calls to mind the last paragraph in Nelson Mandela's famous autobiography, Long Walk to Freedom, which runs thus: "I have walked that long walk to freedom. I have tried not to falter; I have made missteps along the way. But I have discovered the secret that after climbing a great hill, one only finds that there are many more hills to climb. I have taken a moment here to rest, to steal a view of the glorious vista that surrounds me, to look back on the distance I have come..." It is encouraging when Museveni talks about a vision for the country. This creates hope for the citizens, for who should countenance a leader who cannot tell whether he is driving forward or in reverse. However, the reality is that all societies have their level of polarity and the people comprising such societies are positioned differently at the social, ethnic and political stratification levels.This is what negates any possibility of a singular vision for a country. For that reason the president should not wonder why energy is spent on "who" leads as opposed to "what needs to be done". Different people will always have different visions and a country's problems cannot be solved with mathematical precision. At that stage one takes Mandela's cue and ponders, not so much what ought to be but what has been achieved. The chance to debate the contents of the 1995 Constitution was a good opportunity, for example, notwithstanding its flawed provisions. I do not agree with Museveni, however, that it was the first democratically derived contitutional document. The consultations that preceded the 1962 Constitution were very extensive and deeply representative of the views of Ugandans at that time. Neither could the credentials of the framers of that constitution be disputed. I also disagree that the collapse of Kabaka Muteesa's presidency was caused by multipartyism. Not even Obote's fraudulent regimes or any other subsequent administrations collapsed because of party politics. The 1966 Crisis was caused by the friction created between the sovereignty of the new Ugandan state and the nationalist interests of the Buganda Kingdom. Since Obote had little respect for the constitutional safeguards that maintained the balance of forces, he unleashed the guns. So, to attribute political instability to sectarianism associated with political parties only serves to skip the very same vices that we have witnessed under the Movement itself, whose regime has been largely stable. Catholics have been accusing Museveni's government of locking them out of the feast, culminating in the fractious closure of their teacher training colleges some of which were better equipped than the `Protestant' colleges that were spared. Muslims have invariably accused Museveni of undermining them. And the "we have eaten" talk is all but forgotten in nearly all government departments. All these are weaknesses partly attributable to the underdeveloped nature of the neo-colonial state, but which find comfortable consortium with pseudo revolutionaries. In the end you cannot fault parties and absolve the Movement in this particular aspect. It is fine if the Movement has evolved a vision for Uganda. But even then that would be its vision. Just as Museveni needs the Movement to galvanise what he sees as the country's vision so do other political players need the Democratic Party or Uganda People's Congress. The President's examples of Adam Smith, Karl Max or Maynard Keynes are of theorists who conceived and advanced singular theories, which found _expression_ in the social-economic and even political climate of the time. With all due respect to Museveni, vision for a country is simply about governance which presupposes a collective position for the entire country. As such Adam Smith's academics did not require him to seek the "other view" as the science of managing society does. But even the opinions or discoveries of great visionaries are challenged all the time. The infallibility of Moses' Ten Commandments (Museveni referred to them) was the lifeline of the Jews and later Christians; but the Jews'close relatives, the Arabs, have eternally resisted them. Even the President's reference to Vladmir Ilyich Lenin's "vanguard" can only be described as the "advance party" of a large infantry, which, in the circumstances, would be difficult to divorce from the broad meaning of a "mass" party. I agree with Museveni that Obote's Nakivubo pronouncements and Amin's Economic War were both myopic. I also agree that in the current global economic trends it is futile to close yourself in. The President describes his vision as "...to develop a private sector-led, export-oriented economy and to work for Pan-Africanist intergration so as to widen opportunities for African enterprises". That is his vision; other people have different visions. Mine is much simpler: "efficient management of public affairs". Period! When government departments do not function, when utility bodies are merely limping, when bureaucrats plan for their "cut" before examining the figures, when drugs are stolen from hospitals, when public servants are not adequately paid, when resources and facilities are misused, then Uganda will never get anywhere near South Korea however wide we may open up. The troubled Apparels Tri-Star factory, which the President cited, is a good example of a vision which cannot be fulfilled because its establishment was not in line with the "efficient management of public affairs". My vision is effective planning followed by periodical evaluation of performance. That is one way of harnessing our numerous resources. The wars will be stopped and ultimately new investments will be attracted. Mr Mayiga is a minister in the Mengo government. |
� 2003 The Monitor Publications
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