AIDS is the real weapon of mass destruction -- UN Secretary General


Africa Recovery (New York)

BROADCAST TRANSCRIPT
December 14, 2003 
Posted to the web December 14, 2003 


On 28 November the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) posted an online audio 
interview with UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan about the struggle against HIV/AIDS. 
The interview can be heard at: http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/3244564.stm

The transcript of this important broadcast appears below in its entirety. It has been 
edited slightly for clarity. The Secretary-General was speaking to Ms. Carrie Gracie 
on "The Interview" programme for BBC World Service radio. It is reproduced by the UN 
publication Africa Recovery with the permission of the BBC.

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Hello and welcome to The Interview. I'm Carrie Gracie and today I'm in the 
Secretary-General's suite on the 38th floor of the United Nations headquarters in New 
York. My guest is the UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan. Welcome to The Interview.

Thank you very much. I'm happy to be here.

Over the past two weeks the BBC World Service has been running an AIDS season and 
we've heard many aspects of the illness. But today we want to get a sense of your 
personal contribution and whether you think that you're winning the battle. So I want 
to start by asking you about the enemy. When did you first realize what a serious 
enemy you were up against with AIDS?

I think it was when I discussed the issue with the World Health Organization [WHO] and 
UNAIDS [the Joint UN Programme on HIV/AIDS] and looked at the figures and the 
statistics and the devastation it was causing in many African countries, and at the 
attitude of the leaders. We needed leadership. We needed leadership at all levels. But 
it was most important to get the presidents and the prime ministers speaking up and 
that was not happening. I thought we should do whatever we can to raise awareness and 
to get them involved.

And your sense of the problem, is it all from talking to leaders and talking to 
officials or have you been out there on the ground talking to sufferers?

I've been out there on the ground talking to sufferers. In fact, my wife and I were in 
Lima just last week and we had a rather painful experience with a group of women who 
had set themselves up to help AIDS sufferers. They had with them a nine-year-old. The 
mother and the father had died of AIDS. She was left with her grandmother who was 
illiterate and didn't know what to do. When we met them, she was getting no assistance 
at all, so I called my UNDP [UN Development Programme] colleague there, the resident 
coordinator, and I said "can't we do something for this girl?" And of course he's 
going to try and see if PAHO, [the Pan-American Health Organization], WHO's regional 
organization, can help her. But we were both quite struck. We knew this was happening 
but we hadn't expected it.

I've seen the situation in parts of Africa where I've visited AIDS patients in 
villages, where you see a grandmother and lots of grandchildren but no mother, no 
father. And yet you go to a place like Mozambique, to a small clinic which is doing a 
lot, which is following pregnant women, ensuring that the children are born free of 
AIDS and following the mother to try and protect her so that they can have their 
mother as well and they do not become one of the 14 million plus orphans.

I've also lost some very close friends, including people who worked here in the UN, 
and that also hits you.

So you've watched individuals struggle through the course of the illness?

Exactly, so for me it's not statistics -- it's not statistics. I've seen the human 
suffering and the pain. What is even more difficult is when you see somebody lying 
there dying who knows that there's medication and medicine somewhere else in the world 
that can save her, but she can't have it because she's poor and lives in a poor 
country. Where is our common humanity? How do you explain to her that in certain parts 
of the world AIDS is a disease that can be treated, that one can live with and 
function, but in her particular situation it's a death sentence. It's a tough one.

And how do you explain it?

You try to explain to them about what you are trying to do and what you are trying to 
get the governments to do to increase assistance -- not only in areas of treatment, 
prevention and education and also getting the youth and the women's organizations 
involved. It may not necessarily help her particular situation, but at least it's good 
for her to know that action is contemplated, action is on the way. If it will not save 
her it will save others. That in itself is consoling, but its not good enough. This is 
why I'm rather pleased with [WHO Director-General Lee Jong Wook]'s approach of trying 
to get the AIDS medication to 3 million people in five years [sic]. Today we have 
300,000 people on the medication.

This is the World Health Organization initiative?

Yes.

It's called three by five. Three million by the year 2005.

Yes.

We'll talk about that in a moment, but first I want to get a sense of how you feel 
when you're faced with these people asking you, "Why can't I have the drug?"

It is extremely difficult and I can tell you I've really tried very hard. You may know 
that I've had several meetings with the chairmen of the seven top pharmaceutical 
companies to press for reduction in the prices of these medications -- to get across 
to them that whilst I respect and support intellectual property, it is extremely 
difficult not to make the medication accessible to the poor. We need to be able to 
balance it. And they have reduced some of the prices. In some cases, like neviripine, 
in some countries they're giving it away free.

This is the drug for mother-to-child transmission for pregnant mothers?

Exactly, which I consider the cruellest of all transmissions. So you press and push 
and try and get as much as you can. And governments are becoming engaged. For the 
person who is lying there, in some cases like the child I mentioned in Lima, you are 
able to get them some assistance, but it doesn't always happen that way. With others 
you cannot immediately get them assistance.

And does that make you feel angry or does it make you feel distressed?

Both. I feel angry, I feel distressed, I feel helpless to live in a world where we 
have the means, we have the resources, to be able to help all these patients, and what 
is lacking is the political will. How do you generate that political will to ensure 
that assistance reaches them? And of course with somebody like myself who tries to 
speak for the poor and the voiceless, you sort of feel you're failing, you're not 
getting enough done. You walk away a bit depleted and upset -- really upset if not 
depressed.

What more can you do, though? When you ask yourself "what more can I do," what answers 
do you come up with?

I think we should continue our efforts to mobilize the societies to play a role. We 
should get the leaders to speak out against discrimination, the stigma that is 
attached to it. We need resources, we need resources to assist these people. We are 
operating at a relatively low level. We estimate that by 2005 we will need $10 bn 
worldwide per annum to fight the disease. Today I'm trying to see if we can get $3 bn 
a year for the next five years going into the Global Fund [against AIDS, Tuberculosis 
and Malaria, an international funding agency]. I would want to see $1 bn from the 
European Union per year for the next five years, $1 bn from the United States 
government and $1 bn from other sources -- multi-year commitments over the next five 
years. And of course, the rest of the resources will have to come from elsewhere.

But that money is not forthcoming, is it? I mean, people started off with great 
protestations about how much they were going to contribute two years ago, but it's not 
coming.

It's not. I am disappointed. We've got several billion dollars and I'm grateful for 
that, but it's not enough. We need much, much more.

Because you said when you launched the Global Fund, you said you needed $7-10 bn a 
year. At the moment, the global fund has been able to hand out $2 bn over two years. 
You're miles short. Does that make you feel -- you talked about a sense of personally 
failing -- does that make you feel that there's some failure on your part?

Failure on my part and insensitivity on the part of those with power and the resources 
-- insensitivity on the part of those who should develop the political will to do it. 
And I'm badgering. I'm talking to them. I'm pushing.

And how do you do it? Say I'm sitting across from you now, I'm George Bush. I've just 
announced that I'm going to provide $15 bn for AIDS over five years, but I'm only 
going to give a small part of that to the United Nations and the rest I'm going to 
hand out piecemeal myself. How do you persuade me?

I explain that if you want to start from scratch and develop it yourselves and build 
the necessary administrative structures and mechanism, obviously you're not going to 
be able to spend the $3 bn or so in a year. But if you were to use existing structures 
which the Global Fund and the UN family have established, you should be able to use 
much of that money to reach the needy who need it today and not tomorrow. And that I'm 
also encouraging them to put as much of the money as possible into the Global Fund. 
Initially they had said $1 bn to the Fund and I said "well if it is $1 bn initially, 
it's not too bad." But then I discovered that it was $1 bn over five years.

But I think we haven't given up. I've talked to senators, I've talked to others. I've 
spoken with President Bush himself, who is very sensitive to this issue of AIDS. [We 
need] to raise the level of contribution to the Global Fund, which has to date given 
grants to about 93 countries. Wherever I go, they tell me how helpful this has been, 
and of course they are all looking for additional support. If we do not replenish the 
funds and the Global Fund were to fail, I think it would be a very serious indictment 
of the leadership in the world today.

And is it an indictment of them on a humanitarian basis or is there an argument from 
self interest that you can use to persuade them?

Both. From humanitarian -- from moral -- grounds and self interest. Basically, it is a 
security problem in some of these countries. I mean, if you take some of the African 
countries in Southern Africa, AIDS is taking away not just the present but the future. 
It's taking away some of the most productive men and women. Schools are losing 
teachers. Hospitals are losing doctors. The civil service is depleted.

In the past we talked of training people and civil servants. Here in some of these 
countries we may have to talk of replenishment or perhaps even bringing in people from 
outside. It's decimating the security forces and the police. It is a really serious 
problem, and it's not just in Africa. It's spreading very fast in Asia, in Eastern 
Europe and in the Caribbean, and even in this country it's on the way up. So those who 
think AIDS is over are dreaming. It is one of the most serious epidemics the world has 
ever faced and we need to really, really get serious about it.

We talked about what you want from the developed world. Now let's talk about the 
leadership in those countries faced with epidemics emerging. What's the problem with 
leadership? Why isn't it coming?

Some refuse to talk about this because of cultural reasons. We had a situation where 
one African leader was going to give a speech -- I don't want to embarrass him by 
naming him -- and the speech was prepared for him, where he was urged to encourage 
young people and the population to use condoms to protect themselves. He said, "I 
can't utter the word condoms, I'm the father of the nation. You can't ask me to 
encourage the youth to be promiscuous." But this is saving lives.

And is that what you said to him?

Yes, I said that to him. I said, "This is saving lives." I spoke to another African 
leader who was also entirely against the use of condoms and said, "Mr. 
Secretary-General, we don't want to associate you with the word condoms. You shouldn't 
even be using that word or speaking about it." I said, "Mr. President, I've even 
written to the Pope about it to see how we can work with the Catholic Church on 
prevention, on education, on treatment and care." And he looked at me and said, "Mr. 
Secretary-General, when it comes to condoms, the Pope and I are one." I said, "Mr. 
President, but your people are dying. We're talking about saving lives and this is a 
very serious business -- and God will understand."

And did you change his mind?

I didn't. And this is the frustration. These are the painful experiences you sometimes 
have to go through. And then if I walk away to see one of the dying patients and they 
were to look up and say, "Help me -- get our president and the leaders to help us." 
You can't tell them the attitude of their president. I say, "We are pressing the 
president. We are going to push."

Sometimes you have to speak out to put them on the spot. At the same time you want to 
be able to work with them and encourage them to do what is right and what they have to 
do and not to turn them off. And it is really really, very very painful.

So you can't shout at them in public. You have to apply this pressure privately.

I do both. I apply it privately -- very bluntly. In public I speak out and push the 
leaders to act. Push them to lead. Push them to think of their people. Push them to 
save lives, but without naming them individually.

It's very hard, isn't it, because a lot of the groups most affected by AIDS are very 
marginalized groups anyway. I was just reading the Epidemic Update published by UNAIDS 
and the stories are horrific of the rise in the problem -- injecting drug users, the 
male-to-male transmission, homosexuality, the sex workers. And of course all over 
Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, the stigmatization of people with AIDS. If you have people 
who are marginalized, they can't speak up for themselves. If their governments aren't 
going to speak up for them, then who is?

This is the real test. This is why I speak out as often as I can. That is why I became 
engaged in the fight and made it my personal priority and I fought very hard to make 
it the priority of the UN family of agencies. But I think we need to also get civil 
society [involved]. NGOs have been very effective partners and they've been active in 
sometimes embarrassing and pushing the governments to do the right thing.

We've seen women's organizations at the grassroots level, and this is very important 
because today in Africa, AIDS has a woman's face. Over 50 per cent of the infected are 
women and often they are the innocent victims. We really need to empower the women to 
take care of themselves and get the young people involved. And I have seen in these 
countries where the campaign is mounted by the head of state and it goes down all the 
way to the village level.

In Senegal, for example, they are even using griots -- a griot is an oral historian -- 
to tell the story, to talk to the people about it. We visited them a couple of years 
ago and my wife asked this woman griot, "Are you embarrassed to talk about sex and all 
these things frankly to the people in their village?" She said, "This is death. There 
is no embarrassment in death. There is no embarrassment in trying to save lives." And 
it's that kind of spirit that I want to see in the African leaders and the leaders 
around the world whose populations are threatened. I want to see them adopt the 
attitude of this griot in Senegal that we met. She was very inspirational.

So Mr. Annan, are you winning the war?

Well, I would wish to think so, but I'm not. I'm really not winning the war. I'm not 
winning the war because I don't think the leaders of the world are engaged enough. I 
also appeal to communities and societies everywhere to become engaged in the struggle. 
They cannot leave it to their leaders alone.

So in a way you're talking to the people over the heads of their governments.

I'm talking to people over the heads of their governments. They should take on this 
fight. They should not be afraid to speak up. They should not be afraid to challenge 
their governments to do something about the epidemic. It is their lives. It is the 
lives of their children, their sisters, their mothers and their brothers and fathers. 
And they have the right to demand support. They have the right to demand action from 
leaders whose main and major responsibility, after all, is to ensure the safety and 
welfare of their people.

Because obviously that has happened in the developed world. People with 
HIV/AIDS-related illnesses are getting anti-retroviral drugs. There are prevention 
measures in place. Is that because they have political rights, because they are vocal? 
Or is it because these societies are rich?

I think you have both. We shouldn't forget the history of the disease. At the 
beginning, the community that was hardest hit by HIV/AIDS was either here or in Europe 
and they organized themselves very effectively to get attention from their 
governments. They had a voice. They were organized and they also knew how to use the 
media and the press. When you go to the developing countries, you don't necessarily 
have that capacity. You described them as the voiceless and the poor and they need 
others to speak up for them. But give them a bit of help, a bit of encouragement and a 
bit of organization -- they can surprise all of us.

I want to bring up with you an example of someone with a voice. We talked last week to 
a Ugandan woman who'd been HIV-positive for many years and she did feel angry about 
some things. She asked me to ask you when we can expect the many people who need 
medication in the developing world to get it. When will they get their medication?

That is a difficult question to answer in terms of a time frame. In fact, the major 
[AIDS medicines] campaign, which has been launched by the World Health Organization, 
is 3 by 5 -- 3 million people by the year 2005. The estimates are that 6 million 
people need it today. So that is half of the 6 million people. If you were to get to 
the 3 million by 2005, and you were to extrapolate from there, hopefully you would be 
able to give it to them by 2007-2008. I'm also hoping that there will be developments 
-- that the medication will be cheaper, we'll be able to come up with one 3-in-1 
[combined medications] tablet to be able to assist them.

I'm also hoping that the world will wake up and realize that we need to get the 
medication to those who really need it and lessen our self interest. Many governments 
have described it as a security problem and yet we are not giving it the kind of 
attention we are devoting to terrorism and weapons of mass destruction. For people in 
some of the countries we are talking about, AIDS is the real weapon of mass 
destruction, and what are we doing about that?

On that point. your special envoy on AIDS in Africa, Stephen Lewis, has called 
spending on the Iraq war and the war on terror obscene and he mentioned a figure of 
$200 bn and set it alongside the annual spending on AIDS -- a total of possibly $3 bn. 
Is that obscene?

My own view is that we need to fight all the threats. I call the fight against 
terrorism and weapons of mass destruction the sort of hard threats -- hard threats 
because people see immediate blood, immediate war. But the soft threats -- poverty, 
the AIDS epidemic, environmental degradation -- are also with us. And in many 
societies they are wreaking much more havoc than the terrorists are and we need to 
tackle all these threats. We don't have a choice. We don't have an option.

Some say there was a tragic missed opportunity. That the world was gearing itself up 
to tackle AIDS. That it was facing up to these soft threats in the year 2000, the year 
2001. But then on September 11 the twin towers came down, the attack on the Pentagon 
and the whole world changed. It became the war on terrorism. It became then weapons of 
mass destruction, war in Iraq and the world lost its focus on AIDS. Is that how you 
see it?

Let me put it this way. I hope if we had not had 9/11, many more resources would have 
gone to AIDS. But I can't be sure. I can't be sure because I have seen other 
situations where it has not happened. Let me give you the example of Somalia. When we 
mounted -- the international community mounted -- that major operation in Somalia, the 
US forces withdrew and we put in a UN force, the blue helmets, to take over. The 
military expenditure was about $1.5 bn a year. At one point, we needed $150 mn for the 
humanitarian operation -- and the deployment was seen as humanitarian intervention. We 
couldn't get the $150 mn.

So really, when you ask me if there had not been a 9/11, if there had not been war in 
Iraq, would we have gotten all the resources that we needed, for AIDS and the fight 
against the epidemic, I really can't answer that. I must say I have to be honest, 
because what is more important? The fight against the epidemic that saves millions or 
the war and the fight against terrorism? This is why I'm saying we need to draw up a 
balance. We need to tackle these issues right on. And I think the capacity and the 
resources are there. We have to develop the political will to get to them.

Three million people, we think, died of AIDS this year -- 2 million of them in Africa. 
If those kinds of numbers were dying in the rich part of Europe or in North America, 
then all of this would be different, wouldn't it?

All of it would be different because the population would have demanded action. The 
politicians would want their votes and would act to be able to tell the mothers, the 
brothers and the sisters that "we are fighting your fight, we are saving your 
children, and yes, vote for me." But this is distant and not everybody sees it the 
same way. And yet we have common humanity and we need to be sensitive to the needs and 
concerns of others.

And as an African watching so many people on your continent die, does that feel like 
injustice?

It is worse than that. It does feel like injustice, but it also indicates a certain 
incredible callousness that one would not have expected in the 21st century.

And how will history judge us for what you describe as this incredible callousness?

Harshly. Very harshly. And I don't think we will have any defence.

What about you? How will history judge you and your role?

That is for others to decide. I think it would be not only improper but perhaps even 
immodest to talk about my role. I would prefer you and others to tell it. As the 
saying goes, "A man cannot see himself except through a reflection of a mirror." So be 
my mirror and tell me about my contribution.

We mentioned talking to people over the heads of their government. What would you like 
to say to all the listeners to the BBC World Service about AIDS? About what they 
should do to help?

I think what I would want to tell them, that we face a real serious epidemic -- an 
epidemic that is destroying societies and countries. And the leaders of these 
countries -- if they're going to have a country and a country with a future to lead -- 
they'd better pay attention to this epidemic. They'd better pay attention to the 
youth, the vulnerable groups in society, particularly the women who are not empowered, 
who are often abused and are often subject to violence, which also leads to increase 
in the AIDS epidemic.

The [leaders] should speak up. They should end the silence and the stigma and the 
discrimination that is attached to the disease. And that when it comes to AIDS, 
silence is death. And if they do not speak up and help their people, their deaths will 
be on their consciences.

Kofi Annan. Secretary-General of the United Nations. Thanks for joining us for The 
Interview.

Thank you very much.

            The Mulindwas Communication Group
"With Yoweri Museveni, Uganda is in anarchy"
            Groupe de communication Mulindwas 
"avec Yoweri Museveni, l'Ouganda est dans l'anarchie"


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