I am convinced amnesty is a grand deception
Date: Mon, 05 Jan 2004 21:20:51 +0000
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I am convinced amnesty is a grand deception
By Okot Nyormoi
Jan 6, 2004

In December 1999, Parliament passed a bill giving amnesty to rebel fighters. 
For some reason, the amnesty is considered in some circles as a success. For 
example, in December last year it was reported in The Monitor that the 
amnesty has helped up to 10,000 rebels.

However, I have always said amnesty as a mechanism to restore law and order 
in the north would not work.

This is so for both conceptual and technical reasons. To understand the 
conceptual reason, let me introduce an Acholi expression cwer cwiny, which 
literally means the bleeding of the heart. When a person says he has cwer 
cwiny, the normal response is to listen to the reasons why and to see what 
can be done to eliminate the cause.

If an Acholi says that cwinye cwer (his or her heart is bleeding), it is 
really a way of seeking a dialogue about whatever is making the heart bleed.

The correct response is to at least listen, not to ignore, insult, assault 
or expect the person to ask for forgiveness.

In the late ‘60s and the ‘70s, many Acholis joined the armed forces to serve 
the state. They were caught in the power struggle between the central 
government and the Kabaka of Buganda and later on between Obote 1 and Idi 
Amin govenments.

Because their role was to suppress forces that challenged the state power, 
the whole Acholi community was unjustifiably blamed, particularly in 
Buganda, instead of the state that employed them.

To win support, Amin seized on the sentiment to eliminate many Acholi 
servicemen. Since the ‘80s, Acholi servicemen continued to accumulate cwer 
cwiny.

First, during the war with the NRA rebels, Acholi servicemen who bore the 
brunt of the war grew weary. Instead of listening to the cwer cwiny about 
the mounting death toll, the regime responded by recruiting more young men 
from Acholi and sending them off to fight in Luwero.

Since new recruits were inexperienced, many of them came back in coffins. 
Since the cwer cwiny was not handled properly, the 1985 coup was the result.

After the coup, the Okello Junta regime negotiated a peace agreement with 
the NRM. Unfortunately, the leader of the NRM termed the agreement a peace 
joke because he had no intention of honouring it. After the NRM takeover, 
again the Acholi servicemens cwer cwiny was not handled properly.

What could have been a beautiful opportunity to create peace through 
dialogue, as an appropriate response would have been, turned into another 
war.

Conceptually, amnesty is a process by which citizens who have committed 
crimes against the state are forgiven by the state.

The state in this case would derive its moral authority from the fact that 
those who run it have themselves not committed any crimes against the state.

Whereas in the early stages, the NRM regime presented itself as a liberator 
from dictatorship, it has long since abandoned that pretense.

It is corrupt, intolerant of critics, has committed atrocities both within 
and outside Uganda, is known to torture detainees in the so-called safe 
houses and manipulating the constitution to deprive citizens the right to 
organise politically.

The NRM regime does not have the moral or political authority to grant 
amnesty.

Amnesty is also usually given to a defeated force by the victorious force. 
In this case, there has been a stalemate. Instead, it is the innocent people 
of Acholi who are the big losers.

In fact, the 10,000 people reported recently to have benefited from the 
amnesty, only about 3,000 of them hail from the north, and most of those 
people are victims of abduction.

To give them amnesty is to unjustly criminalise them. That simply adds to 
the cwer cwiny which they already have plenty of stemming from their 
abduction experience.

Amnesty favors the winning side in a conflict irrespective of whether it is 
right or wrong or whether the losing side has legitimate complaints or not. 
Consequently, peace via amnesty is not a principled peace.

It sidesteps the truth. Painful as it may be, the truth must be brought out 
and responsibilities must be assigned and accepted.

Amnesty is also based on the assumption of a) guilt by rebels, b) an 
all-merciful government and c) both sides abiding by the spirit of the 
declaration and acceptance of amnesty. Almost none of these assumptions are 
valid.

There is no question that the rebels have committed plenty of atrocities but 
so has the government. There is no reason to believe that if rebels accept 
the amnesty they would be safe since the President continuously threatens to 
kill the rebel leaders.

There is also no evidence at the moment that both sides in the conflict have 
a mechanism in place to ensure that the conditions under which the amnesty 
is given are strictly enforced.

Therefore, giving amnesty or accepting it without carefully, seriously and 
honestly negotiating these terms is like putting the cart before the horse.

As part of the carrot and stick approach, this amnesty programme was 
designed to isolate the leadership of the rebels by encouraging defection by 
the rank and file.

As it also turned out, those who defected met with disappointment because 
some of them jumped from one bad situation only to be recruited into UPDF 
and sent off to fight either the rebels they had just escaped from or in the 
Democratic Republic of the Congo.

While the amnesty has failed to meet the people’s expectation for peace, it 
has been a very useful propaganda tool for the regime as a substitute for 
any real effort to engage in a peaceful resolution of the war.

In the meantime, former abductees who do not need amnesty in the first place 
are being paraded as examples of a resounding success of the amnesty.

The track record of the Movement regime on peace negotiation is littered 
with betrayals beginning with the Nairobi Peace agreement that Museveni 
later called a peace joke to the embarrassment of Mr Daniel arap Moi, then 
President of Kenya.

Another example was the 1996 peace negotiation in which the government was 
led by the then Minister Betty Bigombe.

It is time that this amnesty be recognised as nothing but grand deception. 
Its death may force people to demand for a negotiated settlement of the 
conflict more vigorously than it has been possible under the illusion of the 
amnesty program.

Mr Nyormoi is a Ugandan resident in Houston, Texas (USA) [EMAIL PROTECTED]

© 2003 The Monitor Publications

Mitayo Potosi

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