Why the ' weapons of mass deception' are a death sentence for democracy. 

All the talk about "weapons of mass destruction", "links with international 
terrorism", "acquisition of nuclear weapons" and so on was based on deliberate 
misrepresentation.

Ken Macnab 

In the 1930s George Orwell, well aware of contemporary politics, particularly the 
propaganda of Fascism, Nazism, Stalinism, and the contenders in the Spanish Civil War, 
became concerned with the corruption of language and communications. Work for the BBC 
during the Second World War increased these concerns, to the extent that he wrote an 
essay titled Politics and the English Language 
http://www.resort.com/~prime8/Orwell/patee.html in 1946, in which he asserted: 
"Political language - and with variations this is true of all political parties, from 
Conservatives to Anarchists - is designed to make lies sound truthful and murder 
respectable, and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind". He argued that "one 
ought to recognise that the present political chaos is connected with the decay of 
language, and that one can probably bring about some improvement by starting at the 
verbal end". This concern became widely shared during the Cold War, when words became 
weapons and vast propaganda edifices were created to brand opponents and justify 
policies. The same process quickly became central to "the war on terrorism".

However, the conduct of public affairs, particularly the language of political 
communication, has reached new depths of duplicity in the past twelve months. An 
all-pervasive "culture of spin" has smothered rational analysis and debate. All the 
talk about "weapons of mass destruction", "links with international terrorism", 
"acquisition of nuclear weapons" and so on was based on deliberate misrepresentation. 
All their insistence that, despite extensive "pre-deployment" of massive military 
forces, Bush and Blair and Howard were "men of peace" who had not yet made a "final 
decision" about war, was utter falsehood. Much of the material presented to the public 
to justify the need for war in Iraq was equally false. This was made abundantly clear 
during the Hutton Inquiry in the United Kingdom, into the public naming (and 
subsequent suicide) of weapons expert Dr Kelly, whose concerns about the misuse of 
"intelligence" were used by a journalist to claim that the famous Blair Dossier had 
been "sexed up" for political purposes. The Inquiry revealed the machinations through 
which the Blair dossier on Iraqi "weapons of mass destruction" was fabricated using 
information known to be spurious.

Equally creative effort and disregard for truth has gone into the American saga of 
"Saving Private Lynch". This lack of regard for integrity has promoted even greater 
lack of public respect for the political process itself. In July this year, outgoing 
head of the Uniting Church in Australia, the Reverend James Haire, told the Church's 
National Assembly that the recent policies of the Howard government (and the inability 
of the Opposition to do its job properly) had plunged the nation into "new depths of 
moral depravity". A range of policies, from the Tampa incident through welfare matters 
to the war on Iraq, displayed "abysmal moral standards". He went on: "When truth 
becomes a commodity manufactured by spin doctors and aided and abetted by government 
departments and political minions afraid to tell it like it is [we are] in a powerless 
moral state." Similar "abysmal moral standards" were being displayed in the United 
States and the United Kingdom.

The process of deliberately and aggressively using propaganda, distortion, 
misinformation and outright lies, as a substitute for honest policy formulation and 
presentation, in relation to the American case for war on Iraq, has recently been 
subject to scrutiny by Sheldon Rampton and John Stauber, from the Centre for Media and 
Democracy, a watchdog organization that monitors the public relations industry. Their 
book, Weapons of Mass Deception: The Uses of Propaganda in Bush's War on Iraq
http://www.amazon.com/exec/obidos/tg/detail/-/1585422762/qid=1071796382/onlineopinion 
exposes the interconnections between the White House, the Pentagon, the State 
Department and a number of America's largest public relations and advertising firms. 
One such firm was Benador Associates, "a high-powered media relations company that 
acted as a sort of booking agent" for Middle East "experts" affiliated with 
neoconservative think tanks.

According to Rampton and Stauber, Benador's success in filling the media with the 
views of their clients "was all the more striking in comparison with the slight 
attention that media and policymakers paid to the 1,400 full-time faculty members who 
specialise in Middle East studies at American universities". Thus "weapons of mass 
deception" consisted of the continuous manufacture of post-September 11 fear by terror 
alerts, raids and deportations, the flooding of an uncritical media with endlessly 
repeated government statements and supporting commentary, the use of emotive language 
(such as "regime change", "liberation" and "coalition of the willing") that concealed 
reality, and the displacement of independent assessment by self-chosen 'experts' from 
lavishly funded support groups and think tanks.

A recent Australian study by Don Watson, Death Sentence: The Decay of Public Language, 
http://www.abbeys.com.au/items/25/02/28/ reinforces this concern for the corruption of 
language. Watson illustrates how mindlessly repetitive corporate jargon, incorporated 
in "mission statements" and organisational systems and processes", displaces genuine 
articulation of beliefs and values. He laments that: The language of management - for 
which read the language of virtually all corporations and companies, large and small, 
public service departments, government agencies, libraries, galleries and 
universities, the military, intelligence organisations and, increasingly, politics - 
is language that cannot describe or convey any human emotion, including the most basic 
ones such as happiness, sympathy, greed, envy, love or lust. You cannot tell a joke in 
this language, or write a poem, or sing a song. It is language without human 
provenance or possibility.

What is even worse is the political embracement of this language, and the complete 
failure of the media to challenge its shallowness and duplicity.

Watson makes the point: 

Politicians are attracted to managerial language because it is an endless fund of 
clich�s; of interchangeable phrases that can be rolled out interminably. The pressure 
of the media makes these instant weasel words -
words with the meaning sucked out of them - invaluable. And the media, for reasons I 
don't quite understand, play along with it. They never ask what these vacuous phrases 
mean. They never object to them on our behalf. They seek the truth in a language that 
has no truth in it. Whether the media really seeks the truth is a matter of opinion. 
But human beings have long recognised the inhumanity of war; and those who fail to 
heed the past are destined to repeat it. In 1509 the famous Dutch Renaissance 
humanist, Erasmus, wrote scathingly in his Praise of Folly 
http://www.ccel.org/e/erasmus/folly/folly.html . 

"War is something so monstrous that it befits wild beasts rather than men, so crazy 
that the poets even imagine that it is let loose by Furies, so deadly that it sweeps 
like a plague through the world, so unjust that it is best generally carried on by the 
worst type of bandits, so impious that it is quite alien to Christ; and yet they leave 
everything to devote themselves to war alone. Here even decrepit old men can be seen 
showing the vigour of youths in their prime, undaunted by the cost, unwearied by 
hardship, not a whit deterred though they turn law, religion, peace and all humanity 
upside down. And there's no lack of learned sycophants to put the name of zeal, piety 
and valour to this manifest insanity, ..."

This article was published in the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies' newsletter 
PeaceWrites No.2 2003.  

Dr Ken Macnab is an historian and President of the Centre for Peace and Conflict 
Studies (CPACS) at the University of Sydney. 








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