TUESDAY REFLECTIONS
With Kintu Nyago

Briefcase parties bad for democracy
Feb 17, 2004

Now that Uganda has in the excess of 60 political parties, is this an indicator that we are considerably more democratic as a society?

Caution is called for when responding to this question, baring in mind how many of these parties were formed.

Though political parties are supposed to be formed so as to champion the broad societal political interests of their members, it is highly probable that the majority of our new parties got constituted in a manner much similar to that which characterises the formation many NGOs and sole proprietor family corner shops. That is organisations usually formed without need for rigorous popular consultation and accountability.

Political parties formed in this manner, and they are most likely the majority in this new crop, should not at all be taken seriously.

Historically, they have been a clear recipe for political disaster in Uganda.

Our political elite seems to have a penchant for pomp and the forming of fractious and in many cases one-man political parties.

The currently self-exiled Herman Ssemujju had one such party, while a couple of years ago, Gulu Municipality�s Norbert Mao and Samia Bugwe�s Aggrey Awori�s got tempted to form a similar party. As expected, both parties experienced still births.

Apart from the current quite comical situation of the 60 or so parties on our contemporary political terrain, the other example of Ugandan parties is the three dozen or so that quite literally formed overnight in March 1979, days before Kampala�s capture by the Tanzanian People�s Defence Forces and Kikosi Maalum, after word went around that President Nyerere had invited the Ugandan elite to the Moshi Conference.

The Moshi deliberations resulted in the formation of the Uganda National Liberated Movement, which took over power after the Amin junta was ousted.

The majority of these parties (such as the Uganda National Movement and Free Uganda) never outlasted the three-day or so Moshi Conference!

Quite a few were fronts for the Uganda Peoples Congress, which had been hindered from attending in force by both the conveners and the Tanzanian state. And a number resembled social clubs, or were likely husband and wife outfits!

Such fragmentation explained the UNLF�s fractious politics resulting in the removal of its first president Yusuf Lule, to the dismay of most expectant Ugandans.

He had served less than two months in office, and was replaced by Mr Godfrey Binaisa, whose stormy tenure lasted just more than a year, before being deposed by a UPC-inspired coup. That kicked the UNLF to its grave.

Ugandans need to take keen interest in the nature and affairs of our political parties, for two main reasons.

The first is our traumatic history hinted on above, in which political parties have been key actors.

Second is the fact that unlike corner shops or NGOs, political parties are formed in the name of the people and on the understanding that they are to vie for state power and govern this country.

Furthermore, once in power, their policies and general conduct directly affects us, for our good or bad!

There have been persistent allegations that many of the brand new sixty or so political parties are fronts for the NRM or the state.

In my opinion, this is not acceptable and requires to be investigated by an impartial judicial commission of inquiry, baring in mind the critical role parties play in a country�s political life.

As citizens, we need to also be vigilant and ensure that all political parties in Uganda are internally managed on transparent, politically accountable and democratic principles, as dictated by the 1995 Constitution.

For as our history informs us, the type of political parties that have been in power in this country cannot deliver or safeguard democratic governance.

It is very likely that in future, Ugandan political parties will be funded from the public purse.

This is based on the understanding that their existence is in the public interest, given both their role in checking excesses of the ruling party, in addition to their being governments-in-waiting.

Such an arrangement should, however, not cater for one-man/one-woman parties and those that are undemocratic in character.

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� 2004 The Monitor Publications


 


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