According to Lt. Gen. Museveni, Barlonyo like Abia, was not a massacre. Civilians simply died as a result of being caught up in a cross fire between the UPDF and the LRA. The LRA spokesman (Brig. Sam Kolo) speaking on the BBC Focus on Africa service said thus in summary: "We were attacked at our bases by the UPDF and we drove the UPDF back to Barlonyo camp. If death occurred at Barlonyo, then it could only have come as a result of a crossfire between our forces and the UPDF. We would like the world to know that the civilians at Barlonyo were our fathers, mothers, sisters, brothers, uncles, sons and daughters. The LRA therefore would NEVER do anything intentionally to harm them." No matter what the parties in the conflict say, there was a massacre at Barlonyo in which over 200 innocent civilians died. And here are the unanswered questions, which raises some telling questions whether the massacre was indeed carried out by the UPDF:-
Firstly, according one of the Amuka militia soldiers this is what happened; "While we were fighting the main group, another group who were wearing [militia] uniforms went round the back and they were telling people, 'don't worry - stay calm. Just go inside your homes and we will protect you.' Then they started shooting and burning people alive in their huts."
In other words, the massacre was carried out NOT by the main group they were fighting (which supports Kolo's claim that they drove the UPDF back to Barlonyo camp and the UPDF therefore would have been keeping the LRA at bay), but by those other soldiers wearing militia uniform. That the UPDF would allow "those other soldiers wearing militia uniform" to kill over 200 people can only suggest they either knew exactly what these other soldiers were upto or in the very least they were absolutely certain that those "other soldiers" were UPDF soldiers.
Secondly, according to the UPDF, there were only 37 soldiers at Barlonyo. This clearly is a lie. 37 UPDF soldiers could not have attacked a well fortified LRA base and according to the LRA spokesman which resulted in many UPDF soldiers killed and captured. The fact is there was a substantial UPDF force at Barlonyo. Enough force therefore to intervene and confront "those other soldiers wearing militia uniform" who were carrying out the massacre. That they didn't could not have been for lack of numbers. Besides, Barlonyo is only 8 kilometres away from Oger where there is a substantial UPDF barracks. How long could it have taken those at Oger to rescue Barlonyo? 10 minutes? Certainly not more than 30 minutes. The fact is for 3 hours a massacre took place at Barlonyo and the UPDF forces at Oger stayed put. That the UPDF allowed Barlonyo massacre to take place could only have been for their prior knowledge of exactly what was going on.
Thirdly, when "those soldiers wearing militia uniform" came across the UPDF camp commander, they simply let him go. This was the same force that was not sparing the lives of women and children. But they had the "kind heart" to spare the live of the UPDF camp commander. Taking him alive as prisoner of war was also too much, they simply undressed him of his UPDF uniform and let him go. One can only but deduce that, those who carried out the massacre were from the same side as the camp commander, which explains why they were prepared to let him go. More specifically, it would not be too surprising if it turns out that the camp commander was from Uganda`s "executive tribe." Therefore too important to be killed by the psuedo-LRA.
Fourthly, the force that carried out the massacre at Abia were wearing the latest UPDF uniform. Those that carried out the massacre at Barlonyo were wearing the latest Amuka militia uniform. The latter had been commissioned for not more than a month. That the same LRA who have got NO contact with military equipment suppliers should therefore turn out in the latest UPDF/militia combat gear, simply beggars believe.
Fifthly, as any one from the North would testify, every sub-parish in the region has got an element of a UPDF security apparatus in place. It therefore goes that whilst battle and massacre was taking place at Barlonyo, it is inconceivable that the UPDF regional headquarters in Lira would not have been informed. Lira town which is only a 45-minute drive from Barlonyo is also where thousand upon thousand of UPDF soldiers are stationed, with an array of heavy military equipment including helicopter gunships. None of which was ever used to intervene at Barlonyo. The UPDF commander in Lira, who is described by Lt. Gen. Museveni as a very good soldier saw it as not necessary to intervene in Barlonyo. One can only assume that he too had prior knowledge of what was about to happen. And to ensure he doesn't answer anymore awkward questions he has since been posted abroad for further training. The latter in Ugandan society, especially further training abroad, is seen as a reward for a job well done.
Sixthly, the UPDF arranged for such a hurried burial of the dead that raised alot of questions. It was reported that some people who tried recording of what had happened were shot at by the UPDF and were quickly arrested. Whatever it was, the UPDF were on a mission to conceal vital and implicating evidence.
Seventhly, villagers who fled Barlonyo and landed at a nearby UPDF detach, testified to seeing some of the people involved in the massacre at the very same UPDF base they sought refuge in i.e. the people who where hacking off people shortly before, were the same people they met at the UPDF base. This confirms if ever confirmation were needed that the UPDF killed people at Barlonyo.
Eighthly, locals reported of no rebels ever having entered the county at anytime before the massacre. Therefore those who carried out the atrocity could only have been people who were already in at the county i.e. the UPDF.
Finally, the list of questions could go on forever. The answer though, has not been long in coming. Sources within the UPDF have revealed and it has been reported in some sections of the media that Barlonyo and Abia were the works of the UPDF controlled KAP death squad. It is the same force we at the Echo have from time to time referred to as the psuedo-LRA outfit. The same source of information have revealed that those who carried out the massacre belonged to a section of the KAP group calling itself the Wobulenzi mobile brigade. This piece of information is supported by the fact that a few days before the Barlonyo massacre more than 20 truckloads of UPDF soldiers arrived in Lira and seemed to vanish without anybody ever knowing where they might have ended up. The fact that civilians fleeing from Barlonyo met up with their "slayers" at neighbouring UPDF detach centres, answers the riddle of where these "new arrivals" ended up i.e. at UPDF bases bordering Barlonyo.
And on the war front...
On 30 November 2003 6 UPDF soldiers were ambushed and killed by a group of LRA rebels in Atanga, Pader district. The UPDF soldiers were on their way from Atanga to Lutanya military detach in Pader district.
On 02 December 2003, a UPDF soldier shot 2 colleagues and later took his own life in Pader army barracks. The incident was put down to battle fatigue. This also followed an attack by the LRA on Pakelle sub-county headquarters on the same day.
On 13 December 2003, the LRA ambushed a truck carrying UPDF soldiers along Patongo-Adilang road in Agago county Pader district. 9 UPDF soldiers lost their lives.
On 17 December 2003, in Lukile village, Paimol sub-county in Agago, the UPDF turned gun against each other. In a thirty-minute battle, pitting UPDF against UPDF, 5 UPDF soldiers were killed with dozens injured. The reason for the firefight amongst UPDF soldiers was put down to battle fatigue and a quarrel amongst UPDF commanders. A number of civilians were also caught up in the cross fire, with many sustaining life threatening injuries. The civilians were eventually rushed (by their relatives) to Kalongo hospital.
On 25 December 2003, in a serious battle in Omiya Nyima, Kitgum district the LRA killed several UPDF soldiers including the regional ISO boss, Lt. Kibrai Ambako and 3 other senior intelligence officers.
On 6 January 2004 in a serious battle in Abako sub-county in Lira district, the LRA killed 30 UPDF soldiers. We are reliably informed that January was a very bad month for the UPDF in Lango. In all their encounters with the LRA, the UPDF suffered heavy casualties. For instance, on all occasions, when UPDF soldiers leave their barracks to go out on an operation, only half ever return back alive.
Conclusion:
It was reported in the Ugandan press that the ICC investigators may have finally arrived in Northern Uganda. It is our sincere hope that the team do carry out their duties in an impartial manner. Ugandans however have to be forgiven for over the last 18 years they have seen whatever faith theyve had in foreign reporters, completely eroded. Here are 2 examples why: Firstly in the early 1990's when the UPDF invaded Rwanda, under the guise of the RPF, the BBC team stood at the Ugandan border and reported thus: "as you can see, we are standing at the Ugandan/Rwandan border, and from what we can see, there is no evidence of Uganda having invaded Rwanda". The fact of course was that even the road sweepers on the streets of Kampala knew very well that Uganda had indeed invaded Rwanda. Secondly, in 2001 at the time of the Besigye/Museveni elections - the vote rigging was so blatant that most newswire services were full of stories of their reporters having visited polling stations where votes had already been cast for voters by UPDF soldiers (and in favour of Museveni). The EU's verdict on the elections were as follows; although we have received many reports of vote rigging and visited polling stations where vote rigging actually took place, because we did not visit every single polling station in the country, we cannot tell whether the same practice occurred in all the other polling stations we did not visit. We therefore pronounce the elections as having reflected the will of the Ugandan people. It is for this sort of behaviour that Ugandans have got very little faith in what the ICC may or may not find.
But despite the above, the commander in chief of the UPDF is taking little chances. More so after Ugandans have reacted not in the way he had expected after the Barlonyo massacre. After first agreeing that the ICC would investigate the UPDF for war crimes, Lt. Gen. Museveni announced at a news conference on 04 March 2004 that whoever wants the UPDF investigated for war crimes should first go to Geneva and specifically request the ICC so that it may come and investigate the UPDF. He therefore would not allow the current round of investigations to come anywhere near the UPDF. The recalcitrant attitude by the General suggests that whatever conclusions the ICC may arrive at would be one sided or in the eyes of Ugandans, simply yet another "white wash" by the international community.
Until next time Jok Joka malo.
� The Echo 2004
2 of 2
NB: I hope you will find time to read and sign a petition to stop the Northern Uganda carnage at: http://www.petitiononline.com/savacoli/petition.html
