This is very exciting- in terms of Leninist-Stalinist counter-revolution measures re: the KGB in USSR, the Trotskyists, stasi in The German Democratic Republic (DDR) and the entire European Social democratic party counter-communist revolution penetration of their western capitalist societies.
http://monitor.co.ug/oped/oped04123.php
In each and every European country there is and still continuing registration of communist activities which in social democratic and their liberalist counterparts vocabulary, is a composition of reactionaries forces.
My question is how Uganda and NRA (UPDF) is achieving this without a huge intelligence network?!
http://www.marxists.org/archive/trotsky/
Enter the military court martial and the so �called gost soldiers-
Ugandans are very interesting. And who are these Uganda fascist reactionaries working with foreign entities? Now this is very interesting in terms of Uganda�s privatisation stance and recent NRM multiparty talk.
I love Museveni�s openness, unflinching sincerity in his peasant society!
Now A portion of this capacity has been demonstrated in recent operations inside southern Sudan and on the Sudanese border. To fight Kony? Laughter!
Obote and Amin killed a total of 800,000 Ugandans in extra-judicial killings.
How many Ugandans have died in non- extra-judicial killing that can be defined from state violence since 1986 to date��..!
- In the fourth phase, apart from suppressing the fascists within Uganda, we have also maintained a determined opposition to external fascist forces as well as contributing to regional peace. We are glad the fascist forces in Rwanda were defeated and the situation in Congo is coming to a peaceful end.
- and the defence against the strategic counter-offensive of the reactionaries in partnership with regional allies (1986�todate).
- We are now in the process of equipping our army in such a manner that it has a prompt, all-weather, night and day and capacity to respond and decisively deal with any armed trouble. A portion of this capacity has been demonstrated in recent operations inside southern Sudan and on the Sudanese border.
- This colonial creature, without the brains of its former colonial masters and with incapable political leadership, became a monster over the people of Uganda. Between them, the regimes of Obote and Amin killed a total of 800,000 Ugandans in extra-judicial killings.
- This evening, you will be able to visit one of the 30 mass graves in the Luwero Triangle area. There are 70,000 skulls that we were able to preserve in that area. These atrocities were not, primarily, a responsibility of the askaris involved although they cannot be completely exonerated from these crimes. The main responsibility must be borne by the political leaders of Uganda that did not follow the example of Mwalimu Nyerere in using political independence to create an army of a new type for the people of Uganda.
Therefore, the KAR was a colonial outfit � completely divorced from the interests of the people of Uganda. The senior African leader Mwalimu Nyerere (RIP), took the first opportunity to restructure the Tanganyika KAR in 1964 when they mutinied. Our (Uganda) KAR here was, instead, pampered for mutinying.
As a reward for arresting and confining to the guardroom of Minister Onama, the Ugandan ex-KAR soldiers were awarded salary increases. The product of all this was monster Idi Amin. This was the beginning of Uganda�s post-independence problems emanating from the badly managed army. This colonial creature, without the brains of its former colonial masters and with incapable political leadership, became a monster over the people of Uganda. Between them, the regimes of Obote and Amin killed a total of 800,000 Ugandans in extra-judicial killings.
This evening, you will be able to visit one of the 30 mass graves in the Luwero Triangle area. There are 70,000 skulls that we were able to preserve in that area. These atrocities were not, primarily, a responsibility of the askaris involved although they cannot be completely exonerated from these crimes. The main responsibility must be borne by the political leaders of Uganda that did not follow the example of Mwalimu Nyerere in using political independence to create an army of a new type for the people of Uganda.
I cannot blame the British or the other colonialists in Africa for not helping Africa to build pro-people armies because that had never been their mission. Their mission had been colonialism and using us for their �enterprise� as Capt. Lugard wrote.
It is against this background that the people of Uganda, eventually, organised an armed, people�s protracted war against the remnants of the colonial state encapsulated in the form of the un-restructured KAR that had been baptised the Uganda Army.
Kudos to TZ, Libya We took the opportunity of Amin seizing power from his co-conspirator Milton Obote in 1971.
We started mobilising our people to transform political resistance into armed resistance. In this three African brother peoples assisted us: the people of Tanzania, the people of Mozambique and, eventually, the people of Libya.
Right from 1971, we started recruiting youth from Uganda and taking them to Tanzania, initially, but later on, also to Mozambique for training. The struggle of the people of Uganda, todate, has been through four phases: the phase of the clandestine work (1971�1978); the conventional war alongside the Tanzania Army (1978-1979); the protracted people�s war of 1981�1986; and the defence against the strategic counter-offensive of the reactionaries in partnership with regional allies (1986�todate).
Clandestine work and cadre building, apart from the 1972 adventure when we participated in the abortive attack on Mbarara barracks, characterised the first phase. The most successful group of cadres we built was the group of 28 we trained at Montepuez in Mozambique between 1976 and 1978. The other useful group of officers/cadres was the 300 Officer Cadets we trained at Monduli between 1979�1980. Elements from these two groups of cadres provided the core of military�political leadership in the third phase (1981�1986).
Since 1986 todate, we have trained a total of 3,365 officers through the Officer Cadet courses, young officers� courses and OBC (Officers Basic Course). The challenge for the army leadership is to ensure that all those that do the basic leadership courses also, at appropriate moments, do the other advanced Command and Staff Courses. Otherwise, they will get stunted professionally.
In the fourth phase, apart from suppressing the fascists within Uganda, we have also maintained a determined opposition to external fascist forces as well as contributing to regional peace. We are glad the fascist forces in Rwanda were defeated and the situation in Congo is coming to a peaceful end.
The transitional arrangements envisage a democratic future for Congo � in effect, our brothers and sisters in Congo are retracing their steps back to 1961 when the only ever democratically elected leader of Congo, Patrice Lumumba, was killed on account of external manipulations. If the transitional arrangements succeed, then the people of Congo will have recaptured their sovereignty.
The long civil war in the Sudan between the Arab northerners and the Black southerners is also winding down through a negotiated settlement. Uganda has paid a high price on account of the conflict in the Sudan. The unfolding emancipation of the southern Sudanese so that they can determine their own destiny is more than the just reward for Uganda�s sacrifices over the decades.
One unique factor that characterised our resistance in the 3rd phase was to wage war against a regime without a rear base. Except for Castro in Cuba, I have not heard where else such resistance succeeded. We were surrounded on all the four corners of the compass by the territory controlled by the regime. Yet we defeated the regime. That was on account of the massive support we enjoyed among the wananchi, the correctness of our political line as well as the correctness of our military strategy, tactics and organisational methods.
Another factor, although not unique because we share it with Frelimo of Mozambique, was the phenomenon of a fused political-military leadership. This made the co-ordination of the Resistance Movement much easier and more efficient.
The NRA solved four problems for Uganda: building a pro-people, disciplined army; building a de-tribalised army; building an army with a pan-Africanist orientation; and attracting educated Ugandans into the army. All these were very new qualities for Uganda. The remnants of the colonial state in the form of the KAR, devoid of their brain, the British officers, became great killers of the Ugandan people.
NRA became the first army to stop this. We instituted very strict discipline. The first test to NRA in this respect was in 1982 when two of our soldiers, one of them being Zabuloni, killed two civilians near Semuto. The High Command, after listening to erroneous arguments advanced by one of our young western trained lawyers to the effect that the two civilians were not killed by Zabuloni and his colleague but by the beer that was in them, we executed the two soldiers in front of the villagers that had lost their members.
NRA, thereby, ended impunity of soldiers and created discipline, at least as far as extra-judicial killings were concerned. Apart from being killers, the beheaded KAR, under African ill-prepared officers, was never national. The recruitment was only from certain tribes. This is one reason they failed in all their major tasks. NRA/UPDF insist on a quota for every district of Uganda. Therefore, the NRA/UPDF became national.
The NRA/UPDF created and supports people�s power � the people of Uganda, ultimately, deciding on any major issues by universal adult suffrage by secret ballot. This is the cornerstone of the people�s power. Those who try to usurp this ultimate authority or dilute it are not acting in the interests of the people. Uganda cannot, alone, guard the interests of the Black man. We must hold fast to a pan-Africanist orientation.
Ending or reducing the balkanisation of Africa must be a major strategic goal of Africa. UPDF was born through pan-African efforts and has never reneged on our pan-Africanist obligations.
Our resistance struggle was in order to enable our people do the following: access a new future, cause a fundamental change, and cause the social transformation of our society.
The regional conflicts notwithstanding, our mission of transforming our society is well in hand. School enrolment in primary schools in 1986 was about 2.5 million children; it is now about 7.7 million children. The enrolment in the universities in 1986 was about 7,000 students; it is now 60,000 students (both government and private).
The GDP has doubled from $3.6 billion to $7 billion. The telephone lines were 28,000 in 1986; they are now 600,000 lines. Electricity generation was only 60 megawatts in 1986; we are now generating 390 megawatts. Industry as a percentage of GDP was 5.4 percent in 1986; it is now 18 percent. The economy of Uganda has achieved minimum recovery and even some areas of development. With the creation of the East African Customs Union and the freedom of access to the markets of the West, Uganda�s economy and those of the other African countries can take off and cause the transformation of our society.
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bwanika
url: www.idr.co.ug
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