Don�t blame us for our own suffering Date: Mon, 20 Sep 2004 21:38:20 +0000 Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; format=flowed
Don�t blame us for our own suffering By Joel Ohuma Sept 21, 2004 Mr Robert K. Rutaagi in his �Museveni Does Not Need A �Legacy�, which appeared on Monday blamed people of the north for their woes and mendaciously suggests that this was due to loss of power by the northerners. This, to me spawns nothing short of umbrage, since it is the same old divisive lies that have been recycled and regurgitated time and again since 1986. Mr Rutaagi, instead of limiting himself to the principal issues of which he disagreed with columnist Munini Mulera, asserted rather blithely that, �The northern Uganda war is a nemesis, not so much because of Museveni alone but because of all those Ugandans who plunged themselves into self denial after losing political power and chose to inflict incorrigible misery to themselves and their own people�(sic). Soldiers heading for convoy protection duty Gulu. The army continues to be accused of abuses(File photo) This, to the Movement faithful, though outrageously apocryphal, has become a standard feature of their explanation of the problems in northern Uganda. The implication is that the northerners brought on themselves the on-going tragedy that has led to the death of thousands of innocents that by any moral measure have bordered on genocide. This line of reasoning would have been comical, were it not tragic. Unfortunately such remarks often go unchallenged, especially since the issue spawns such tepid response from other Ugandans and the international community that a remonstration of this kind is almost unheard of. Rutaagi lionises his hero the President and rhapsodises the Movement, without taking a critical look at the man, which is fine, were he not to pejoratively level the tragedy in the north a comeuppance. For the record, I reproduce below an edited body of evidence produced by one Ugandan in a discussion on the conflict in northern Uganda. I have not included his name but in this man�s comment Rutaagi will clearly see who is culpable, and hopefully he will understand that, stating facetiously, as he does, that the problem is an outcome of �self denial due to loss of power� is unfortunate and inaccurate. The problems are more nuanced that is often admitted largely due to a concatenation of political and military factors. It must be stated though that, the people in the north do not like rebel leader Joseph Kony one bit, contrary to official cant. But you will see that, as this gentleman demonstrates, Museveni and Kony are two sides of the same coin: �(1) Since there are numerous reports about the activities of Kony, I will provide a few evidence about Museveni�s (I can also provide similar ones on Kony): (a) Terror and massacres of Muslims in Ankole in June 1979 (Uganda government Report of the Commission of Inquiry into Violations of Human Rights:31). (b). Abductions and assassinations of civilians (See, Amnesty International (AI), Uganda (August 1981;1); AI, Uganda: Six Years After Amin; Muwanga and Gombya, The Pearl of Africa is Bleeding). (c). Attacks on civilian vehicles (See Africa Research Bulletin (Dec. 1-31, 1981: 6289BC). d). Massacres of civilians, while disguised as soldiers (Lance-Sera Muwanga, Violence in Uganda: What is Inside Museveni�s Uganda; Muwanga and Gombya, The Pearl of Africa is Bleeding. See also what Kayira reported after a meeting with Museveni at the NRA command post in Luwero: �There were no less than 50 heads at a quick count. We found Museveni and the NRA soldiers inside the ring of human heads. He told us while pointing at the heads: �You see those heads? That is how I deal with those who do not agree with me� This is cited in The Pearl of Africa is Bleeding..e) Abductions and kidnapping (See �Uganda: The Fall of President Obote,� Africa Confidential (1985) For similar acts of terror and atrocities see Ogenga Otunnu, �An Historical Analysis of the Invasion of Rwanda,� in Adelman and Suhrke, eds, The Path of a Genocide in Northern Uganda; Otunnu, Refuge, 17, 3 (1998); Uganda Law Society, Matters of Concern to Uganda Law Society (1990); AI, Deaths in the Countryside: Killings of Civilians by the Army (1990); AI. The Failure to Safeguard Human Rights (1992); Acholi Religious Leaders, Let My People Go (2001). See also Museveni�s address to Langi and Acholi RCs and elders in the New Vision, March 28, 1994. In his address, he reluctantly pointed out that �Sometimes, our own indisciplined soldiers took advantage of the breakdown of law and order caused by the rebellion and committed atrocities against the civilian population... Mass rapes and other atrocities are also mentioned in the New Vision, of January 29 and February 22, 1988 etc. It is important to examine the following: When the war of pacification/genocide started and conditions that sustained the war according to the government, the first wave of massacres, mass rapes and instability in Acholi was the work of FEDEMU (35 Batallion of NRA). However, FEDEMU claimed that those atrocities were committed by NRA-proper. They further insisted that those who committed the atrocities were carrying out Executive orders (See,Otunnu�s, The Path of Genocide). When Dr. Kayira learnt of the atrocities, he instructed ex-FEDEMU soldiers to provide arms to the Acholi to defend themselves. Subsequently, Kayira and two other prominent Baganda were arrested. Here are a few examples of some of the atrocities that forced people, who had accepted Museveni�s rule in Acholi, to rebel: August 16, 1986: the 35th battalion killed 32 innocent people in Namukora. Over 100 homesteads were burnt down (See Amnesty International Report, 1986, 1987, 1988, 1989, 1990, 1992). August 18, 1986: the 13th battalion, stationed at Akilok, killed 18 unarmed civilians. Some of the civilians were burnt alive in their homes (See, also AI reports above). September 20, 1986: the 7th battalion, stationed at Oryang, Labongo, killed 22 unarmed civilians. Many men and women were also raped (see AI reports; reports by Acholi Parliamentary Group; Report of the Committee on Defence and Internal Affairs on The war in Northern Uganda). April 1986: 55th batallion arrived at Purongo (Nwoya county) and seized 462 heads of cattle from the farm of the late Erinayo Oryema (Inspector General of Police). Oryema�s widow, Janet, was forced to hand over farm (see report by Verona Fathers to AI) April 1986: the same batallion took 600 boran cattle from the farm of Y.Y. Ongom of Agung. 8 farm workers were buried alive in a common pit (see various AI reports). June 1986: 1,200 head of cattle were taken by NRA from the farm of Tosiya Otim of Luke clan, Odek county. His son Kitara and 20 farm workers were killed in cold blood (The government denied that it was involved in removing food and wealth/cattle. However, when human rights groups presented evidence to the contrary, the government accepted responsibility for its behaviour). It was such acts which turned the people against the Museveni regime. This explains how Museveni �created� Kony. Why the war persists President Museveni had this to say on the subject: �It is true that in the past army officers were doing business out of the suffering of the people of Acholi and they did not want it [the war] to end.� (New Vision, November, 29, 1996). When the international community exerted pressure on the regime to negotiate with the rebels, it reluctantly agreed. However, when then Minster for pacification of the North, Ms Betty Bigombe and Kony had reached a settlement, Museveni wrecked the deal by ordering the LRA to surrender within a week (See, New Vision, February 15, 1994). Museveni�s attitude toward negotiated settlements has not changed. Does the view of one of the leading Ugandan journalists, Kevin Aliro, explain why some Ugandans are reluctant to see the genocide in Acholi? Here is what he observed: �I particularly understand the dilemma of some ordinary Ugandans who, after many years of torture and oppression, do not want to believe that the UPDF...could even dream of such atrocities against any Ugandan... Ugandans are victims of self-denial and its associated symptoms. In their subconscious... they know the UPDF, like previous armies, are capable of all and worse.� Kevin further observed that: �I was like such Ugandans. There were times when I would never believe the UPDF would hurt a fly. I dismissed the Bur Coro incident (in which innocent human beings were buried and smoked in a pit) as an �isolated case of indiscipline.� He concluded by reflecting on the conspiracy of silence about the genocide: �Deep inside, we [journalists] were also afraid. Afraid of the known consequences of publishing anything that may be deemed by the powers that be as �damaging to the image� of Museveni�s sacred cow, the NRA (now UPDF). Hundreds of other incidents came and went, most unreported (The Monitor, May 18, 1999). [EMAIL PROTECTED] � 2004 The Monitor Publications _________________________________________________________________ The new MSN 8: advanced junk mail protection and 2 months FREE* http://join.msn.com/?page=features/junkmail _______________________________________________ Ugandanet mailing list [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet % UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/
