Culture of impunity prevents peace in Congo

By Michael Yamamoto
Special to World Peace Herald
Published October 4, 2004


KINSHASA, Congo -- Much of the attention of the international community is focused on the ethnic conflicts in Sudan. The Democratic Republic of Congo is another African county attracting international attention for its strategic importance, its tribal conflicts and its civil war, which since 1997 has impacted many countries in the region.
    
    The governments of the Congo, Zimbabwe, Angola, Uganda, Namibia, Rwanda, and Congolese armed rebel groups signed a ceasefire in July 1999. Based on the agreement, the United National Security Council set up a U.N. peacekeeping mission in the Congo, with the aim of eventually deploying a 15,000-strong peacekeeping force.
    
    In October 2002, President Joseph Kabila succeeded in getting occupying Rwandan forces to withdraw from eastern Congo. Two months later, an agreement was signed by all remaining warring parties to end the fighting and set up a government of national unity. Sporadic fighting has continued until today.
    
    Subsequent negotiations between the Kabila government and rebel leaders led to the establishment of a transitional government in July 2003. The Congo is preparing for presidential elections, scheduled to be held in June next year.
    
    World Peace Herald interviewed one of the candidates running in the presidential election, Jean-Oscar Ngalamulume, chairman of the Convention of Democratic and Social Institutions (CIDES), who is actively campaigning in Kinshasa and other cities:
    
    World Peace Herald (WPH): In the Congo, presidential and other elections are scheduled to be held in June, next year. What is the prospect (or possibility) that the elections will be held as scheduled?

    
    Jean-Oscar Ngalamulume (JON):
With the assistance of the United Nations, it is possible to hope that elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) can be held in June 2005. The DRC government of transition is much too slow to set in place the necessary legislation and regulations, but it should be possible to speed up the process if there is political will. There are forces that want to prevent an election. These are the Rwandan government and their surrogates in the RCD party of the Congo, who want to keep the status quo. There are others as well who feel comfortable with the status quo. However, the international community will put pressure on all parties in the Congo to go through with the transition and the election.
    
    WPH: Currently, the country is still suffering tribal and regional conflicts and war crimes. Can you comment on the conflicts and the war crimes issue in the DRC?

    
    JON: Peace and security will not be achieved in the DRC without simultaneously taking concrete steps to end the culture of impunity that breeds atrocities. In the coming months, the International Penal Court will consult its own collection of information about atrocities in the DRC and examine effective ways to achieve credible justice for victims of the wanton terror in the Congo.
    
    WPH: In the past 8 years, it is said that 4 million people have died in the Congo? What is the main cause of this tragedy?

    
    JON: The main cause is foreign interference in the form of invasions by armed forces, and the sponsorship of internal rebels. The main perpetrators of this armed interference have been the governments of Rwanda and Uganda. These invasions have been motivated mainly by the existence of abundant natural resources in eastern Congo. The Rwandan and Ugandan governments have profited from pillaging these resources, but their sponsorship of rebels, their cruel occupation, and resistance from Congolese has resulted in tremendous hardship and death. Most deaths were caused by malnutrition and disease, due to the absence of medical care and food supplies destroyed by the armed incursions and occupations. The weakness of the DRC central government also contributed to this disaster.
    
    WPH: In central Africa, including the Congo, ethnic or tribal conflicts have been continuing, especially between the Hutu and Tutsi tribes. Recently, more than 150 Congolese Tutsis were killed in a U.N. refugee camp in Burundi, which is causing tension between the Congo and Burundi. To outsiders, it's not easy to understand the situation. Can you explain why the Hutus and Tutsis have been fighting for such a long time, and why this recent killing happened?
    

    JON: Historically, the Tutsis, who constitute only 15 percent of the populations of Rwanda and Burundi, were given favored treatment by the German and Belgian colonial powers. As a result, they had better education and became the ruling classes. After independence in 1960, the Hutu majorities understandably felt that they deserved to take power in Rwanda, and treated the Tutsi minority very badly. That caused several hundred thousand Tutsis to take refuge in Uganda and the Congo. The biggest group went to Uganda. In Burundi, the Tutsis managed to remain in power. This resulted in permanent unrest and violence, as the Hutu population attempted to overthrow the minority Tutsi regimes. As a result, many hundreds of thousands of Hutu refugees fled to Tanzania and the Congo.
    
    In 1994, armed Tutsis who had been serving in the Ugandan army took power in Rwanda, after the bloody genocide that killed over 500,000 Rwandan Tutsis. Because of the determination of the minority Tutsis in both Rwanda and Burundi to hold onto power, these two countries have been in a state of violent instability since 1960. This instability has spilled over into neighboring Congo, causing massive suffering, killing and human rights violations, as well as the pillaging of natural resources, mainly in the eastern part of that country.
    
    The recent massacre of Tutsi refugees from the DRC, who were sheltering in a camp in Burundi, appears to have been perpetrated by forces that want to undermine the transition in DRC. They fear that democracy in the DRC will result in their interests being defeated. These people are Congolese who are closely related to, and controlled by, the government of Rwanda. The Rwandan government has been enjoying massive economic benefits from pillaging mineral and timber resources in the eastern Congo. If a democratic transition takes place in DRC, the Rwandans will lose out. The surrogates of Rwanda within Congo are working hard to undermine this transition. This explains why there was a massacre in the refugee camp in Burundi close to the DRC border.
    
    WPH: Do you think peace can come between Hutus and Tutsis, and if so, can it come about?

    
    JON: Peace can come between Hutus and Tutsis only in the context of democracy. If there is majority rule in both Rwanda and Burundi, it will be possible to assure the safety and rights of the minority Tutsis. As long as the Tutsis feel they must be in power, there will be violence and instability, and problems for the entire sub-region. The other countries in the sub-region, mainly DRC, Uganda and Tanzania can help by creating a common economic market and by allowing free passage and settlement of refugees within their borders.
    
    WPH: What is going to happen if the election is successfully held? What are the steps after the election?

    
    JON: The steps after the elections are a legitimate government that will organize development and welcome private sector investment, to create jobs and increase standards of living in the DRC in complete transparency. I challenge the U.N. to support this understanding that can bring a smooth political transition for the entire Great Lakes region.
    
    WPH: Can you explain the importance of the coming elections in the democratization process in the Congo?

    
    JON: One election does not make a democracy. Democratization is a process, not an event. However, an election will be a crucial first step in establishing a legitimate government that can create institutions and start reconstruction of a destroyed economy. A legitimate government can attract investors and development assistance. Normally, the DRC will be governable when its economic and social needs are met and these will eliminate the tensions and conflicts that now overwhelm the country. Without some minimum level of economic well being, otherwise laudable concepts of democracy become meaningless. Thus, a balance needs to be struck between the need for democracy and the need to fulfill the equally basic economic needs. Nobody would disagree that the poverty is providing fertile soil for terrorism activities around the world.
    
    WPH: What is the role of U.N. in the election?

    
    JON: The role of the U.N. is crucial, and can help stabilize the political disorder in the DRC. This is an absolute prerequisite before lasting peace can be rebuilt. The U.N. must help the Congo to design a new political system that seeks a legitimate strong leader who can facilitate domestic reconciliation and aggressive economic advancement. The U.N. has the experts and lots of experience in organizing elections in the third world. Angola in 1992 is a good example of a successful election organized with the assistance of the U.N. With the U.N. in charge of an election, the outcome will be credible.
    
    WPH: The U.N. now has 10,800 peacekeeping troops in Congo. What is the U.N. peacekeepers' role in the Congo?

    
    JON: The U.N.'s peacekeeping role is to make sure that the peace agreements and the transitional arrangements agreed by the various political factions in the Congo are implemented correctly and without interference from perpetrators of violence.
    
    WPH: What role is the United States or France playing in the election?

    
    JON: The US and France are playing a constructive role. Unlike in the Middle East, the US and France are cooperating in promoting a credible transition in the DRC. There is no disagreement between Belgium, the US, Canada, Great Britain, Germany, Italy and France in the DRC. They are all friends of the Congo and I must personally stabilize good relationships with them.
    
    WPH: What is the current focus of your political campaign?
    
    JON: The Convention of Democratic and Social Institutions (CIDES), my non-armed political party, is planning to involve the DRC in peace restoration, and has authored a blueprint for reconstruction entitled: "A Principled Approach to Governing Congo," which offers proposals to strengthen the security, order, and economic vitality. It's presented in an academic manner and its use of statistical data to support proposals is designed to further augment the scope and tone of the work. This blue book examines the responsibilities of politicians to develop sound domestic policy, and the potential role of international institutions.
    
    WPH: What is your main policy for the Congo?
    
    JON: My main policy is to consolidate democracy, have a transparent and honest government that works for the people, and to give the private sector the primary role in economic development. We must do everything possible to create a friendly and welcoming environment for the private sector so that they will invest, create jobs, and increase standards of living. We must exploit our natural resources for the good of the nation. When I talk of attracting investors, I am talking about Congolese investors as well as foreign investors.
    
    WPH: What are the important issues in Congo's relationship with the neighboring countries?

    
    JON: Neighboring countries know that the DRC is the key for the entire region; it must have its basis in a legal framework in order to establish lasting peace with neighboring countries. Unfortunately, when Congolese politicians ceded part of the sovereignty and territorial integrity to Rwanda and Uganda, the forces of genocide and terror were invited that drove the DRC to instability and poverty. My country needs to be left alone by its neighbors. There has been too much interference in Congo's internal affairs. Neighboring countries continue to support rebel groups in the Congo. This must stop. The Congo must have a strong military, and politically and economically capable leader who can reinforce the control of its borders and provide civil order. Once interference is stopped, Congo can discuss the establishment of a common market with its neighbors, especially with Rwanda, Burundi, Uganda and Tanzania in the east, and with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) in Southern Africa.

Copyright � 2004 News World Communications, Inc.



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