J Ssemakula <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> wrote:
I think it is dangerously naive to think that Dubya "won" because of the rural vote. The reason is simple enough: arithmetic. The US population is about 80% urban. Here, see for yourself:-
P2. URBAN AND RURAL [6] - Universe: Total population
Data Set: Census 2000 Summary File 1 (SF 1) 100-Percent Data
United States
Florida
Ohio
Total:
281,421,906
15,982,378
11,353,140
Urban:
222,360,539
14,270,020
8,782,329
Inside urbanized areas
192,323,824
13,470,104
7,311,293
Inside urban clusters
30,036,715
799,916
1,471,036
Rural
59,061,367
1,712,358
2,570,811
Filler
0
0
0
U.S. Census Bureau Census 2000 Rural vote? Rather than pussy-footing about, it is better to face reality: If it walks like a duck, quacks like a duck, it most likely is an elaborately rigged duck!Go to the above tables and stick in any of the "battle states" and do the math yourself.
[EMAIL PROTECTED] wrote:Hi guys,
After reading Mu7's letter to Bidandi Ssali I am convinced of the following:
1) Parliament will ammend the constitution to allow Mu7 to run for another term
2)Mu7 will win the Presidency in 2006 and will president for another five year term and not b'se he will rig the election but b'se the opposition is such in a dissarry and can't reorgnize to give a credible challenge to him. He will win the George Bush style winning in rular areas but not in cities. It will the opposition about 4-5yrs to organize.
3) Anyone who opposes the Kisanja will be fired from government. We will see more government officials declaring their allegiance to the Kisanja idea.
That's my take, I don't claim to be an expert on Ugandan politics but I am a very kin observer of Ugandan politics and the way things work in Uganda.
Frank
6 November 2004
Mr. Bidandi Ssali,
Member of the Interim Executive Committee,
National Resistance Movement, Kampala
RE: YOUR RESIGNATION AS 2nd VICE CHAIRPERSON OF THE INTERIM EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF NRM
I have received your letter dated 3 November 2004, through which you tendered your resignation from the office of 2nd Vice Chairperson of the Interim Executive Committee of NRM. I am now writing to respond to your resignation and other matters you raised in your letter.
As you know, the NRM is a free Organisation in which a member is free to serve or not at his or her own will. Our organisation is governed by the Constitution of the country, which requires (under article 71 (c) that a political organisation shall conform to democratic principles. This means that you cannot be compelled to continue to serve in any capacity against your wishes.
I have considered whether or not I have authority as Chairperson to accept your resignation. As you are aware, the IEC is just i n the process of laying foundations for operating in multi-organisations/multi-party set up, so our rules have not yet provided for this situation.
Nevertheless, as Chairperson of the IEC, I am enjoined by section 14 (h) of the NRM Constitution to do anything necessary for the good of the organisation and for the proper implementation of the principles and policies of NRM. Therefore, I hereby accept your resignation on behalf of the Interim Executive Committee and shall, at the earliest opportunity, brief the Interim Executive Committee.
On behalf of the organisation, I wish to express our appreciation for the services you have rendered to the organisation.
Secondly, I must give my opinion on some of the other statements in your letter. You categorically state that you do not agree with the resolution of the Interim Executive Committee that binds the organisation to the decisions of the National Executive Committee and the National Conference of the Movement. That position is not consistent with your declaration that you still remain a member of NRM and the Interim Executive Committee. Article 9 (2) (g) of the NRM Constitution imposes a duty on all members; �to observe discipline, behave honestly and be loyal to the decisions of the majority of the members of the organ where a member belongs and to the decisions of the higher organs within the structures of the NRM�. In addition, paragraph (i) of the same article imposes a duty on all members; �to adhere to the principle that the interests of NRM stand above everything else, subordinating his or her personal interests to the interests of the NRM and the nation�.
In light of the requirements of our organisation�s Constitution, I must draw your attention to your duties as a member of NRM and the Interim Executive Committee. The resolution of the Interim Executive Committee, which you disassociate with, was reached by a majority in a vote after open debate in which you participate d. I, therefore, call upon you to abide by the democratic decisions of the organisation and observe the duties of members as long as you wish to remain a member.
Having dealt with your resignation and your relationship with the Interim Executive Committee (IEC) resolutions, I now need to deal with the following other erroneous positions in your letter: Museveni not laying a firm foundation for the Movement �ideas and principles in perpetuity�; Museveni placing emphasis on the �use of money� and �bragging� on how money had �consolidated Movement support� in Parliament; how the �dishing out� of money has undermined the �integrity� of our MPs in society and the independence of Parliament; how the IEC never approved the facilitation of the MPs for explaining the White Paper� and how I should not allow the support for � ekisanja� to divide the Movement� any further.
(I) Foundation for the Movement ideas and principles:
What is amazing, Mr. Bidandi, is how you evolv e obviously wrong positions and you insist so much on those ideas. When we were fighting Amin and the Obote II dictatorship, I authored the 10-points programme. That document was, eventually, approved by the combined meeting of the High Command, the Army Council and the National Resistance Council (NRC) at Kanyaara, Ngoma, Luweero, in 1984.
When we came from the bush, that document was adopted by the rest of society. It is these principles and ideas that have caused the recovery of Uganda as well as quite a bit of development. Even the political structures we evolved in the bush are the ones that have run Uganda so well that they are now almost part of the culture of the people: Resistance Councils (RCs), NRC (Parliament), National Executive Committee (NEC), etc. At Kyankwanzi, last year, March, I circulated a new document containing an updated version of the 10-points programme in the form of the �Movement Vision�. It is now almost two years. I have never heard you res ponding to this document. Yet, what it contains forms the future, not only of Uganda, but the whole of Africa.
Recently, H.E. Wade, the President of the Republic of Senegal, a man of great intellectual tradition, insisted that I must go to Dakar to present those ideas to the World Congress of African intellectuals and those of Diaspora. I had to fly more than 8 hours in the night from my State visit to Zimbabwe to combine the two activities.
President Wade insisted on my attendance having heard me articulate those ideas at Munyonyo in April this year and in Washington in June this year when we were attending the G8-summit in Sea Island. What do you say about the Vision document I presented at Kyankwanzi? The only thing you talk about is �kisanja�, contrary to the majority position of the Movement supporters. In order to inform the readers, my update of the Movement position (principles) is that having achieved minimum economic and social recovery in the last 18 years , we need to emphasise four new elements: market access (regional and international) so that we create more wealth and employment for ourselves; value addition so as to produce final products instead of selling raw materials, which is the �curse of Africa� as I described the phenomenon in one of my documents; developing the capacity of the Ugandan human resource (the people of Uganda) through education and health for all (programmes we have already s
tarted with UPE, Universal immunisation, etc); and Pan-Africanism, including the formation of the East African Federation so as to enable the Black man to bargain better with others on matters vitally affecting his future such as trade, global warming that is affecting Africa more than anywhere else, etc.
Therefore, Mr. Bidandi, there is reasonable evidence to show that, not only did Museveni do quite a bit in the past to �lay the foundation for the Movement ideas and principles� that have resulted in the recovery that the country is enjoying today, but he is continuing to update those ideas.
(II) Placing emphasis on the use of money:
Mr. Bidandi, this is not only a falsehood, but an insult to me. It is a falsehood because on the 27th of January 1971, I resigned my job in the President�s Office and went into exile to fight Amin. On the 6th of February, 1981, I left my property and my family and, together with others, went into the bush to fight the criminal dictatorship of Obote. While in those struggles, we had shortages of food, medicine, not to mention money. Yet we persisted until victory. When did I emphasise money?
However, when we are operating in urban conditions, our supporters need a minimum of funding to move around: transport, lunch while on assignments (we used to call it �in case� in the bush), etc. During the campaigns for elections, as a member of the YK Museveni Task Forces in 1996 and 2001, you have passed on money that I fundraised on to our supporters for these very reasons. Have you forgotten Mr. Bidandi? Were you �dishing out� money to �compromise the integrity� of our supporters, then?
(III) Bragging about how money has consolidated the Movement support in Parliament.
That is a misrepresentation! What is consolidating Movement support in Parliament is more interaction with MPs like having our meetings at Kyadondo Road. Many MPs were pulled away from the Movement positions by the intrigue spinners in Parliament taking advantage of my being busy with fighting Kony. Kony is now defeated. I am back in town. You can be sure that I will interact more and more, not only with the MPs, but with many of our other supporters in the whole country. This is what I did when we were fighting Amin; this is what I did in the bush. This is what I am beginning to do now: � using principles (10 points programme, Movement vision, for instance) and elucidation. This is how we developed our cadreship that moved �mountains.� I am back in town t o the chagrin of those who thought that the Movement was weak, disoriented or safely hijacked. In fact, if you may wish to remember, I have repeatedly advised MPs not to continue the mistakes of using their �personal� resou
rces to run constituencies and to, instead, use �institutional� resources (Micro-finance, SFG, etc.) which are available in plenty but not identified or correctly utilised.
(IV) �Dishing out of money �has undermined the integrity of MPs and independence of Parliament
First of all, there was no �dishing out� of money. There was provision of money to enable the Movement supporters in Parliament to put fuel in vehicles, drive around their constituencies and explain Movement positions in the White Paper. It would also help them to organise meetings. These are the very reasons you (Mr. Bidandi) were giving out the money that I would fundraise for the Movement struggles in the previous elections if you need reminding. Or is it that when funds are not passed through you, it becomes �dishing out� money and, when it is passed through you, it is providing legitimate facilitation? The integrity of the MPs cannot be undermined by them being facilitated by the Movement Interim Chairman, Yoweri Museveni, to explain Movement positions. Being assigned by the Interim Chairman, Yoweri Museveni, is not a disgrace but an honour because that Movement is part of a great tradition of heroism in defence of the rights of Ugandans and of those of other Africans.
The malignment that has gone through the anti-Movement Papers such as Monitor will be neutralised by political counter-action. There is no challenge we cannot cope with. When there is convergence between the position of the Interim Chairman of the Movement and Movement MPs, you get worried that the �independence� of Parliament has been compromised. Yet when all the Movement MPs were being elected, they would pledge to the electorate that they would, if elected, work with NRM Candidate, then, Yoweri Museveni, to further the aims of the NRM. Yet, according to you, Parliament is only �independent� when it is opposing the interim Chairman of NRM, the President of the Republic of Uganda who is also the historical leader of NRM! Those are interesting but revealing positions.
(V) IEC never approved the facilitation of the MPs
Actually MPs were, for long, expecting this facilitation and we discussed it repeatedly.
They also need it given the complications many MPs have got themselves involved in on account of not being correctly guided by those seniors they found in Parliament. Those seniors were, instead, trying to put them into cliques that were not only of little value but were designed to estrange them from the top leadership of the Movement. I am now interacting closely with the MPs and I will work with them to rationalise and optimise the work of MPs in relation to the Government and Movement. It is true that I did not inform you before hand, of t his particular facilitation because you have made it a habit to oppose Movement positions. While I am perennially patient, you know very well that I, ultimately, defend the rights of Ugandans and Africans. Those who under-estimate our resolve are quite often proved wrong. You did not know about it before hand but I authorised it. I am fully entitled to do so. Maintain cohesion in the Movement I will work with you. Undermine the cohesion
of the Movement I will, initially, take precautions against you but, if you persist, I will, ultimately, oppose you. You cannot have a veto on the Movement actions when you are in the wrong.
(vi) I should not allow the kisanja to divide the Movement further
It is not the kisanja dividing the Movement. It is those who maintain subjective positions and who are oblivious to the strategic goals of the Movement of transforming our society from backwardness that have been promoting the lack of cohesion in the Movement. Fortunately, su ch actors cannot cause us to deviate from the strategic goals. It is only the majority of Movement supporters that could alter our stand. The innuendos not withstanding (we are dictators, we are clinging to power, we are power hungry, etc.), as long as the supporters are loyal to the strategic goals of the Movement, we shall stand with them. I told the delegates at Kyankwanzi that who leads would not be a problem, if there was harmony on the Vision, especially the strategic vision. Instead of responding to the challenge I posed, you are the leader of those who say that the main problem for Uganda is Museveni. You are vehement in your stand that the Constitution must be arranged in such a way that Museven
i will never, again, have the possibility to provide top-most leadership in the affairs of the Republic of Uganda, regardless of the willingness of the majority of the people. You must have reasons best known to you as to why you think the main need of Uganda is to inhibit Museveni�s ability to provide top most leadership to Uganda. One day we shall delve into your reasons in greater detail.
The kisanja Movement is, incidentally a largely popular Resistance Movement against those who were scheming to hijack the Movement. It was, mainly, a peasant Movement, going even by the symbolism of the kisanja itself. Nobody among the elite could have brought such a symbolism. Those who under-estimate this Movement may have one or two things to learn.
We are of the view that reaching the people to explain the White Paper is a legitimate exercise in which the NRM should not be found wanting at this time.
YOWERI K. MUSEVENI
INTERIM CHAIRPERSON NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT
cc: Hajj Moses Kigongo
cc: Interim First Vice Chairperson, National Resistance Movement
cc: All Members, NRM Interim Executive Committee
� 2004 The Monitor Publications
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