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May the Fifth Five-Year Term Be Legally Secured?
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The Monitor (Kampala)
COLUMN
November 18, 2004
Posted to the web November 17, 2004
F.d.r.gureme
Kampala
Before I delve into the legitimacy or otherwise of the fifth presidential term, I must apologize to readers for some hitches, in my article: titled "A sad and delightful week for an Old Man" (Monitor Nov. 6). To those readers who unsuccessfully attempted to offer comment, appreciation or criticism, I sincerely apologise. Through a misprint, my cellphone number 077 401173 appeared as "077 401174." I similarly apologise to the renter of 077 401174 for the annoying SMSs and calls going to him or her.
I apologise to Mr Moses Kigongo for undercounting his blessings: omitting, among others, his Kisozi House Complex, Nakasero Hill. Let Mrs Speciosa Kazibwe also pardon me for forgetting her huge multi-storey edifice west of Makerere, apart from her other blessings accumulated by virtue of being in cabinet and as first on the front bench; and now salaried as representing her Kigulu constituency in the Ugandan Parliament by remote control, thanks to the inspiration of the contents of her Harvard University programme, benefiting her constituents: and that she was fully capable of sustaining herself at Harvard and to educate her own children.
Thus, one wonders what banana republic (depending on donors for over 50% of her recurrent, and close to 100% of her capital expenditures) can tenably dish out a monstrous Shs2.5 billion to such an opulent middle-aged politician for a Harvard doctorate; as peasants in once prosperous Buganda (and doubtlessly Kigulu) eat their dinner at 6.00 p.m., and retire to bed, for lack of paraffin for their tin "lamps" (often a matchbox); as teacher training institutions halt for lack of funds; and IDP camp kids have one meal in three or four days; as not enough police force may be recruited and trained to man stations during major and crucial elections!
Parliament must demand the cancellation of Kazibwe's atrocious, exaggerated and unjustifiable Harvard grant; vide the tearful revelations of Sarah Matovu (page 24 of The Weekly Observer of 11-17 November)!
I was recently criticised by ethnic compatriots for "attacking" government and my relatives: and that I "might prejudice the chances of some serving in government," as well as I forfeiting chances of appointment to boards or commissions, missing out on several millions a month.
But, rather than use my experience and seniority to secure favours from unprincipled rulers, I'd rather speak for the voiceless; and fight injustice; living on the little pension that I earned; not by patronage, but by hard work, training, probity and industry.
I relish the framed motto atop my bookcase, reading: "A man's success is not how much money he has made, but what kind of family he has brought up."
Let my younger relatives, particularly my children, in whose integrity I take great pride, relax. You cannot screen bright light for very long. As for relatives I "attacked," I realise that altruistic candour often has barbs; and that relatives earn respect only out of principled self-respect; certainly not through compromising MPs to support perpetual individual rule, by offering them cash and dangling big jobs.
I commend Museveni for letting his brother be questioned as a murder suspect or prospective witness. And, before I forget, I also commend him for nominating Allen Kagina and Peter Nyombi, to both of whose dedication and integrity I can attest, as Commissioner General, URA, and Inspector General of Government respectively. Thus the guilty-conscious might advisedly postpone, or cancel, parties they might have planned for to celebrating the departure of Mr Jotham Tumwesigye and Ms Albright Aslund.
The fifth term: What manner of complaisant donors will abide an inconsistent, devious and intolerant (if conformist) regime to suppress democracy for 18 years; and later seemingly insensitively watch as it assiduously designs "legal" (certainly illegitimate) mechanisms to desecrate (its own concocted and partisan) constitution; in order to promote a life presidency. We may not stop donors from betraying the masses.
We may certainly remind them of the myopic come-to-pass regrets of humouring dictators at the expense of citizens who will one day govern their countries. Of buttressing Joseph Mobutu, and later helping remove him after he had ruined a richly endowed but harshly impoverished Congo. Of hobnobbing with the Shah of Iran: providing fertile ground for the rise of fanatical clerical regimes. Of bolstering Iraq's Saddan Hussein, and later having to remove him at the cost of thousands of young American lives.
Born in 1926, I see the half-hearted hints, euphemisms and restraint among donors, in begging Museveni, instead of telling him to unshackle political parties, or see the taps turned off:, as reminiscent of Neville Chamberlain's concessions (read debacle) to Hitler's demands; including the rape of Czechoslovakia, at Munich, in 1938; and by extension, the lunatic engagement in a disastrous war, that humiliated and pauperised a proud German people in 1945. The difference is only in magnitude and statuses: ours being of interaction between benefactor and client. But, where, in the honest view of donors, do the joint interests of donors and the 24 million Ugandans reside?
It is not too late for us to forgive and sanitize our MPs of the stain of selling their souls for "a few millions" to support the kisanja, to keep the money (which they will have spent any way) and patriotically reject the blackmail of having major proposals parcelled in an "omnibus" take-it-or-leave bill, including Article 260 as it applies to Article 105 (2); and prioritise the democratic transition; to permit of adequate campaign time for all political parties. Other amendments may be debated by and by. And, if time so dictates, be debated by the next parliament. MPs must also insist that all proposed major amendments be decided by secret ballot.
Still in the Musevenis' good books, I attended the Rwakitura reception of First son Muhoozi in the wake of his church wedding at Nshwere. I was fascinated by the speech of Uncle Saleh, who repeatedly said that he considered it time for the Kaguta family to retire from the army and from politics. He had heard, he said, that the groom was being groomed (pardon the pun) for an army career. He did not like this; and offered to employ Muhoozi as his personal assistant in his businesses if only the army career, that he disrecommended, was dropped. It is generally believed that the President does not generally take his affable, easy-going and popular brother seriously; as reflected by the press: because the next day I scanned all the English language newspapers; hardly any had given prominence to Saleh's remarks. The rest, as they say, is history.
Clearly Museveni, and the proverbial clique, will go any length to perpetuate his monocracy. They wish to ensure that the Shs5 million or so taken by hungry MPs to "mobilise" for kisanja will not be spent in vain. So far so good; except for the brave Kajara county of Ntungamo reported to have rebuffed the proposal.
The Kajara action may inspire others to jettison the advances. No doubt that guilty-conscious MPs feel that they are closely watched as they pace their beats; and how they react in Parliament if another Michael Mukula proposes that the "omnibus" bill be decided by ayes and nos. After all Museveni commands the army and the lavishly facilitated Presidential Protection Brigade, the "ill-voting" Police, CMI, Major Kakooza Mutale hatchet gangs... who might punish them if they "betrayed" the kisanja-support contract.
Let them relax, chew the money, talk and vote, as they like. There is no way the fifth term clique will "punish" 240 MPs for "abusing their 'trust'" by accepting the bribe and "betraying" the benefactors. They would, for the present and future, be heroes and heroines, not villains as now! There is no binding contract enforceable by crooks. They will never even dare to demand the refund of the blood money. "Blood money" because the approval of kisanja would certainly occasion bitter conflict; and possible bloodshed.
Secondly, in his initial recruitment of top army brass, Museveni did himself a disservice: by recruiting highly educated and enlightened individuals. The ones I have spoken to don't support, forget relish, the insanity surrounding frenzied efforts to perpetuate an individual in the presidency for 25 years.
Some complain that the President had stilled regular meetings started in the bush where all were free to air their views about whether the NRM was on the right track; and that this had cut communications and established an out-of-touch one-man decision system.
They also blame the introverted "kazu" or inner clique of which Bidandi complains. All feel that 18 years is already too many. The incumbent will do well to remember that the army, the PPB and other legitimate security organisations are led and manned, not by robots, but by sophisticated men and women - part of the elite. Most agree with the views of leading opposition figures such as spotless Mugisha Muntu. Museveni would do well to re-establish the say-what-you-feel meetings rather than listen to the selfish views of an insecure clique.
The opposition is not only disorganised, it is divided; to the delight of the presidential clique.
In my next article, God willing, I shall discuss some of the reasons the opposition is not united and how, in my view, they might fight together.
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Contact: 077 401173; fdrgureme @ yahoo.com
Sadly, after filing this, Mr Gureme's handset, a gift from a friend, was stolen. Contact him on home phone 031612646 -Ed.
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