Q&A: The Movement Was Museveni's Vehicle to Rule Forever
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The East African (Nairobi)
INTERVIEW
February 21, 2005
Posted to the web February 23, 2005
David Kaiza
Nairobi
PROF OGENGA LATIGO was elected one of the five vice presidents of the Forum for Democratic Change, deputising for Dr Kizza Besigye, who lives in exile in South Africa. DAVID KAIZA spoke to him on the transition to multiparty politics in Uganda
What are FDC's views on the transition process?
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We in FDC would like to see honesty in the transition process and have it put in a realistic context. When you look at the constitutional review process, there are extensive proposals, which do not take into account that we have only one year to the elections. You have to ask the question: is government genuine about moving from the Movement to a multiparty system? In my view the answer is no.
The government is pursuing a two-track approach: If it is possible to remove the two-term limit, it will go to the extent of even restoring multiparty politics, using district councils. If it thinks it cannot get the two-term limit lifted, it will encumber the transition until such a time that it says there is no time to change to a multiparty system. This will allow Museveni to be elected chairman. So is the government being sincere?
So you are facing two choices?
Yes, it means that Museveni can stand and, by his conviction, he will get elected; and, by common practice, he will get elected.
How will that happen?
Maj Kakooza Mutale, a strong supporter of the Movement has already been calling up 10,000 cadres to teach them ways of drawing in votes.
After two-decades of a much-praised system, why are we asking these questions today?
The truth has caught up with us. The Movement was not a system. It was about Museveni and his plans to rule forever. Unfortunately, like so many past leaders, there is tyranny and oppression and suppression now. Ugandans are slow in waking up, but they eventually have woken up. That is why FDC then becomes the biggest enemy in the eyes of Museveni.
How much is FDC like the old parties?
The question is how much have we learnt from the old parties. We have learnt that putting Uganda above our personal ambitions is the prerequisite for prosperity. We have learnt that putting democracy above the individual is the prerequisite for leadership. We have learnt that our ethnic and political backgrounds do not matter as long as you put Uganda first.
Now you have an executive committee, will you be able to canvass for support throughout the country?
We can hold rallies because the oppressive laws were struck down by the courts.
But the Police Act has not been amended.
If the police know that a political party must hold a rally without committing an offence, then the police can only come in to provide security.
FDC has membership from different backgrounds. So do you need a coalition with other parties?
In principle, a coalition is the ideal thing and that is our aspiration. The word "forum" is recognition of that, that now we are offering a platform for co-operation.
How can the current uncertainty and tension gripping Uganda be diffused?
The biggest uncertainty lies in the mind of Museveni. The constitution is very clear - a president must serve for two terms. The question is, what is Museveni thinking, does he want this third term thing or not. The answer to the uncertainty is very simple. It is in Museveni's hands.
What should he do?
The whole thing is centred upon the absurd supposition that he should continue to lead this country. If he says, for me this is my last term, there will be no uncertainty.
What is FDC's position on the constitutional amendment?
We shall not amend the constitution for our selfish ends. Secondly, a constitution ought to be growing. If you are amending the constitution, you are amending it because you have found difficulties. But these amendments have not arisen out of difficulties. Except for banana republics like Togo and Uganda, changing term-limits has been resisted in countries such as South Africa and Tanzania because such an amendment is retrogressive.
You chose Kizza Besigye as your interim chairman and yet his position is likely to drive a wedge between you and the Movement?
If you want any test of the genuineness of Museveni's democratic credentials, there is no better test than Besigye. Part of the reason we elected him is to test the genuineness of Museveni's democratic credentials.
How does Besigye provide that test?
If you can sit without quarrelling with the person who irritates you the most, you are democratic. Then, I can argue that Uganda has become a democracy.
What is it that is attractive about Besigye?
He is always ready to stand up and be counted.
Can there be a legitimate transition? Some say that unless it is legitimate, there will be instability?
First of all, some key elements that have been introduced in the constitutional amendments have the capacity to destabilise Ugandan politics. The probability that you will get greater instability if you open term limits. If you give the president powers to dissolve parliament, it will be resisted. Those who want the Movement will be happy but those who don't want to go back to that box to be suffocated will not. It is their right to be free.
Are you confident the transition will be on time?
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It depends on what you want the transition to be. If you want a transition from Museveni to Museveni, then you don't have the time because you must play around with the constitution, you must convince the people otherwise about the promise Museveni made not to stand again, you must convince the people that you are actually going to eradicate poverty.
If it is a genuine transition, all he has to do is wake up and say he does not want to stand.
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