Lagungu-gungu strikes Bura
On 21 November 2004 a group of 8 women from Mucwini camp went in search of materials to repair their makeshift dwellings in the camp. Not long after they had left the camp, they came across soldiers of the LRA. They were then subjected to serious questioning as to where they were going, what they were looking for etc. etc. When the women explained to the rebels that all they were looking for was grass to thatch their huts, the LRA asked them to carry on.
The women, three of whom were identified as Alice Lamon, Betty Alal and Ayaa then decided that this was a bad start to their journey and were heading back when the LRA told them that they should fear nothing and that they should carry on with their journey. According to the civilians, they said the LRA even told them that "they were free to come back to their abandoned homeste
ads and
repair their houses there".
When the women had proceeded to the bush and finished cutting the grass they went for, the UPDF mobile force came across them. The UPDF soldiers demanded to know what the women were doing there at that time of the day. The women explained to them that they had gone to harvest materials to repair their homes (evidence of which they had). The UPDF then separated the women, with Ayaa being assigned to a group of 8 UPDF soldiers for further questioning. The UPDF did not waste time with the women. They were all raped in the most brutal fashion. 5 of the women were admitted to St. Joseph's hospital Kitgum with multiple injuries. But far worse, the women fear that the UPDF attack may have left them infected with the deadly HIV virus (as the UPDF are the single biggest carrier of the disease in Northern Uganda).
More UPDF child
soldiers...
In the last issue we reported on child soldiers within the UPDF. In October 2003 (our first issue) we reported on how the UPDF came during the night and collected 2 truck loads of Acholi children and took them to fight the war in Teso. A few of the children managed to escape and thanks to some kind hearted Ugandans, found their way back to Gulu where they where able to narrate their ordeal.
In February 2005, a local priest wrote in a national newspaper thus. He said (like everyone else in Northern Uganda), he was tired of the sight of "gun-totting boys in army uniform atop military lorries, patrolling roads or just moving about the many camps�.
The well known priest wrote that on a visit to Kalongo, Pader district, he went up to "a smiling kid guarding a gate, rifle slung on his shoulder, with a camouflage cap which almost covered his e
yes". He
asked the child how old he was. 15 came the response. "when did you join the army?� Last year faada" he answered (i.e. the child was recruited into the UPDF at the age of 14).
The priest noted that in the 2 hours he spent in Kalongo, he had counted (and spoken to) at least 15 UPDF child soldiers. The Rev. Father concluded his article by asking a few basic questions including one which the people of the North have asked time and time again over the last 19 years. He asked, "what is the UN/UNICEF doing about it? He went on, "UNICEF opened some offices in Northern Uganda in 2004 and they have the personnel, the mandate and the means to investigate facts and take some action". He continued "there are also some other NGOs who claim to be working for - and even saving - war affected children in the North and they get plenty of funding for it. What are they doing about child soldiers?".
Observers point to what a leading western
journalist once told people in Uganda. The journalist said "whatever the western agencies, including the UN and other NGOs do or report upon, is determined by the US/British foreign policy towards Uganda". The reality is, and many people believe, at the moment the foreign policies of these countries are designed to sustain the military dictatorship in power. And Fr. Carlos Rodriguez can "huff and puff" as much as he likes, the fact will remain that Acholi children and civilians will always remain (to use the Rev. Father's words) - "cannon fodder" - for the UPDF to do with as it pleases.
UPDF target Amida...
On 26 December 2004 the UPDF shot, killed and injured a number of civilians at Amida camp. Local people reported that as Christmas drew to a close, a large number of UPDF soldiers went on a drinking spree. The UPDF had spent most of
26
December 2004 at a drinking place owned by a one Peter Oling. At around 7pm an argurement broke out amongst them as to how many civilians or rebels each one of them had killed. As the argurement got heated up, one of the soldiers declared that for him he has so far killed 22 human beings. Whilst another soldier said he had killed 30 people. Others suggested they had been able to kill 10 people in a single day and the revelations continued.
As the argurements continued, Mr Oling informed the UPDF that the alcohol had finished and he could sell them no more. The UPDF then moved out. Some of them said since they had only killed a few human beings, they needed to add to their number. Shortly afterwards, fierce shooting broke out and it carried on for about 15 minutes. Many thought the LRA had invaded the camp, but this was not the case.
A number of civilians were killed amongst whom were Moses Ocen, Jane Layet plus others. On
e
civilian had a leg amputated following the UPDF attack. As for the UPDF none of the perpetrators were arrested. Instead when there was an outcry by the local people, the UPDF came for Mr. Oling and arrested him for selling alcohol without a license.
UPDF Shoot civilians in Padibe...
On 30 December 2004, at around 10pm, a number of civilians left their "homes" in Padibe camp to rush a pregnant woman to the nearby dispensary. It is customary for the UPDF to impose a night curfew in most camps. In Padibe, such a curfew had NOT been declared but civilians took it for granted that travelling at night carried the risk of being killed by the UPDF.
The civilians, some of whom were identified as Joseph Olweny (Husband), Doreen Akullu (Mrs Olweny and expectant mother) and Ejerina Lawil (mother-in-law) set off towards t
he
dispensary. It was shortly after they had left their homes (carrying kerosene lamps) that they heard gunshots and people started dropping down around them. Those who could speak shouted to the UPDF that they were infact civilians, but the shooting continued. By the time the shooting stopped a number of civilians had been hit. Those who were lucky enough to survive the attack were ferried to St. Joseph's hospital the following day were medical treatment was carried out.
Sources revealed that this was not the first time that the UPDF had shot civilians at Padibe. They note that on 11 October 2004, the UPDF similarly shot many civilians at Padibe including a young girl who had gone to the toilet in he middle of the night. To cover up the atrocity it had committed, the UPDF carried on firing shots well into the night and later claimed civilian casualties were infact people caught up in a cross-fire. The truth though is that the LRA had not been seen in
Padibe
for much of October 2004 (so there could not have been a fire fight between it and the UPDF).
Anaka too....
In the North, the UPDF considers it a crime (punishable by death) for any civilian to engage in agricultural activity. The UPDF still believes that as food supplies run out in the countryside, the LRA will be starved out of rebellion. The other reason is that, during 2004, the UPDF government made a declaration that all unoccupied land in Northern Uganda is land belonging to those who would have perished during the war and therefore "right" reverts back to the state. Since that declaration, UPDF hostility towards civilians cultivating the land has intensified even more.
It was against this backdrop that the UPDF found a number of civilians harvesting peas in Onyim-til in Anaka division on 16 February 2005. The UPDF o
pened
fire on them killing 3 instantly with a number of others seriously injured. As reported in a local newspaper, the UPDF accused the civilians of harvesting their crops and providing it to the LRA.
UPDF attack Corner Kilak...
On 16 February 2005, the UPDF descended upon Kilak camp. They took away with them more than 50 youths. At first, the victims did not know what it was the UPDF wanted them for. At the UPDF barracks, it became clear. The UPDF claimed that a number of firearms had gone missing from within its barracks (the UPDF suspected the firearms to have found its way to the LRA). The UPDF then demanded that the 50 or so civilians should tell them who might have been behind the disappearance of the UPDF weapons.
It has to be recognised that civilians in the North have got no access to the UPDF barracks (t
he wives
and children of UPDF soldiers being the only civilians within the UPDF barracks). When the youths expressed no knowledge about the UPDF's claim, that was when the torture began. The civilians were subjected to severe beatings which lasted for hours. The UPDF told them that the only thing that would make the beatings stop is if they would reveal who was behind the disappearance of the UPDF weapons.
After what seemed like a whole morning of beatings, the UPDF then brought the civilians out in the open sun (with mid-afternoon temperatures of over 38 degrees). At sunset, the UPDF told the civilians they were free to go to their homes, but if the UPDF weapons were not found within days, the UPDF was coming back for them.
UPDF terrorise Lango....
In the 7th issue, we reported on how to create enmity between the Acholi and Lango
peoples
the UPDF had embarked upon the act of terrorising the local population in the name of the LRA. In one instance, the UPDF dressed as the Amuka militia and pretending to speak the Lango language came abducted nearly a dozen civilians from a camp. Their bodies were found a few days later rotting beside a river bank (they had all been killed by the psuedo-LRA).
In January 2005, realising that the bulk of the LRA were not about to sign a "non-agreement", the psuedo-LRA reared its ugly head again in Lango.
According to a local legislator, UPDF soldiers posing as the LRA had terrorised his constituents for much of January. The UPDF began an active campaign of driving people away from their homes. They would urge people to leave their homes with nothing and then set civilian properties on fire. Food stores belonging to civilians were razed to the ground. This the UPDF claimed was to deny the LRA food supplies. For civilians who w
ere
reluctant to leave their homes, they were subjected to torture and beatings (and accused of being rebel collaborators).
Then came the last few weeks of January. No rebels had been confirmed in Lira district (not even by the UPDF). Then from nowhere, gunmen claiming to be the LRA emerged from nowhere and came to the legislators home and killed his brother plus other civilians. Keeping to the psuedo-LRA's mode of operation, they travelled from one UPDF detach to another without the UPDF even "lifting a finger".
Observers note, that the only people who would have known about the legislator�s movement would have been the UPDF (for it had been expressly informed). And that the real target was not the legislator's brother, but MP Charles Angiro himself. The MP's crime to the UPDF was that he represented his constituents honestly which went against the UPDF's design for Northern Uganda.
UPDF storm Omiya Anyima
On 15 November 2004, the people of Omiya Nyima received news that the World Food Program had delivered food to the people of Kitgum Matidi and that it was their turn the next day. On the 16 November 2004, everybody in the camp gathered at the venue where food is normally distributed.
It was then the UPDF came and took away a number of civilians. People reported that a UPDF double cabin pick-up truck arrived at Omiya-Nyima camp with about a dozen soldiers, including a captain. The captain held a brief discussion with his troops before ordering them towards the crowd. The UPDF then proceeded and grabbed three youths, dragging them towards the vehicle. One of the young men taken that day was a gentleman by the name of Santo Oketch. The UPDF then sped with the youths in the direction of Nam-Okora. Up to now the youths have not been seen nor h
eard
from again.
Speculation has however continued that this may have been part of a UPDF recruitment exercise. Whilst others have suggested that the UPDF may have needed the young men to extract information (through torture).
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